CRPF violating PESA in Jharkhandi Villages

 

- Operation Green Hunt causing immense suffering & humiliation to the innocent rural folk in Jharkhand -

 

Clause 4.e.(1) of The Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, [PESA] says: “every Gram Sabha shall approve the plans, programmes and projects for social and economic development before such plans, programmes and projects are taken up for implementation . . .;”

 

Tribal villages are forcibly entered and village people are humiliated: The sad fact is the CRPF forces have barged into several villages in the Districts of Latehar, Palamu, Sareikela-Kharswan, Khunti, Dhanbad, Bokaro, Giridih, East & West Singhbhum and have forcibly occupied these villages. Even after entering the village, they have not had the courtesy to call on the traditional Adivasi leadership such as the munda / manki / pahan / majhi  and explain to them the purpose of their coming. Rather, they go about harassing and humiliating every one in the village regardless of whether they are young children, older men, older women, traditional village heads. They pick up any one at will and take him for ‘questioning’, and if they don’t get the answer they expect, they beat up young and old alike. Beating up includes slapping and beating on any part of the body with lathis or with the butt of the gun.

 

One can understand when an elder person gives a small beating to a growing child if the latter has done some mischief in view of correcting the child. But when CRPF jawans mercilessly beat up elderly men with lathis and that too in public, it is absolutely humiliating for these men and violates their sense of self-respect and personal dignity. Another innovative punishment CRPF impose on those younger and older men from whom the expected answer did not come is to make them sit in the hot summer sun till evening without water and food. Breaking open houses is common, and there are instances of opening fire inside houses. On 27 April 2010, one woman by name of Jasmintha Devi, w/o Jayaram Singh, in Ladhi village, Barwadih thana, Latehar Dt. was shot dead inside her house as she was sleeping on a cot. Another man by name of Pooran Singh of the same village was shot and wounded also inside his house.

 
 
 
 
 

On 30th April, people of the village, led by Bharatiya Adhim Janjathi Parishad, staged a dharna in front of the Dep. Commissioner’s office and demanded, among other things, a cash compensation of Rs. 5 lakh each for each of the two victims and investigation of the incident by the CBI. As of date, no action has been taken, neither by the district administration nor by the CRPF authorities.

 

There have been at least 30 instances of wanton beating up involving about 60 persons in the districts of Kharsawan, Latehar alone. Five instances of forcible snatching of money amounting to about Rs. 60,000 have been reported from these districts. This gives a sufficient indication of the very unsafe situation faced by the rural population of Latehar District.

 

Women face a greater danger:  CRPF-men barge into houses, kicking open the door regardless of whether the women of the house are with their men folk or alone. They open any thing and take away what they like.

 

The little cash people have saved are also taken with impunity. Even vessels are taken for use in their camps; some times they are returned, some times not. If women, especially young women, are found in the house without their men folk, it is all the worse for them.

 

PESA Act, clause 4. (m). (ii) endows the Gram Sabha with “the ownership of minor forest produce”.

 

People cannot collect minor forest produce from their jungles. The situation in the forest villages where CRPF has pitched its tent is such that people, especially women and children, are not allowed to go into the forest. If any one is seen coming out of the forest, he / she is summoned to the camp and asked which Maoist they have met. If they say they have not met any Maoist but went to collect some minor forest produce, they are slapped, beaten up. One may note here that the summer season is when summer fruits such as mangoe, leechi fruits are available in the jungle. But people are not allowed to enter and collect these fruits in peace. This itself is a serious violation of the rights of rural people. And more seriously, a violation of the constitutional privilege of the Gram Sabha.

 

PESA Act, clause 4. (m). (iv) endows the Gram Sabha with “the power to

manage village markets…”

 

For the first time in tribal history, the village markets (bazaar) are closing down. The weekly markets which mainly transact business based on minor forest produce are closing down because people are not coming with these goods to the market any more. As such it deals a severe blow to the tribal rural economy. Besides, the weekly markets are not only a place of economic transactions but also provide a homely atmosphere of social & cultural  get-together are being seriously affected. Verily an onslaught on the culture of the Adivasi People. An irreparable damage is being to the economic, social, cultural fabrique of Adivasi society.

 

PESA Act, clause 4. (m). (vi) endows the Gram Sabha with “the power to exercise control over institutions and functionaries in all social sectors;” Children cannot go to school as the school building are occupied by CRPF As of now, 50 school buildings in the districts mentioned above  have been taken over by CRPF on a permanent basis and 43 school buildings have been taken over on an off-and-on basis.  The Gram Sabha’s consent was not even sought. If schools do not function, the mid-day meal also is not given to children. The sad fact is the mid-day meal is the only ‘full meal’ most children get to eat. Should the children too be kicked in their stomach! An unforgivable act against the poor rural children by the state.

 

Apart from this is the fact that even if the school is not occupied by the para-military forces, their very presence in the vicinity and their brutal behaviour with people has created a fearful atmosphere in the village preventing children from going to school. In November 2009, the Jharkhand High Court, in response to a petition filed by PUCL-Ranchi, ordered the CRPF to vacate all school buildings within six months. Six months have passed, but the High Court order has not been complied with. On 17 May 2010, CRPF has approached the High Court and asked for an extension of another six months, and apparently the court has agreed!

 

The point to ponder is what happens to the children who have been deprived of their school education first for six months, now for another six months? Obviously it is not the concern of the govt as to what happens to the education of these village children. At the same time, the same Congress-led govt has brought in the Right to Education bill precisely for this group of 6 to 14 – age children. What a contradiction!

 

To conclude, the way Operation Green Hunt is being enforced through CRPF as the main agent of implementation is absolutely devastating the peaceful life of people in the villages of Jharkhand. In fact, this war of the govt against its own people will have the opposite effect of strengthening and increasing the Maoist forces because the harassed and humiliated people will not find any other human alternative than join forces with Maoist comrades. Will some better sense prevail on those who hold the reigns of power?

 

29 May 2010

 

Note: All the facts mentioned above are collated from the reports of people’s movements in the areas occupied by CRPF in Jharkhand state.
 
 
JHARKHAND TOURISM SERVICES

The Bhadrakali Temple:- Itkhori, Chatra

Itkhori has a famous temple of Godess Bhadrakali, where a mingling of Hindu, Jain and Buddhist deities can be seen. Buddhist deity Tara can be seen here in black stone. It also has an inscription of the time of the king  Mahendra pal Deva. Dr. Grierson in his notes on Gaya District (pp. 3, 4) has mentioned the Buddhist stupa at Bhadrakali complex of Itkhori.
 
A Pair of foot prints is also visitable. It is associated with Sheetal Nath the 10th Trithankar of Jainism. It is also associated with Mallinath the 19th Tirthanker and Parswanath the 23rd Tirthanker. The Hindus worship goddess Kali as Bhadrakali. The whole area is full of historical and cultural heritages.
 
 
 
 

Itkhori block is also famous for the goddess Bhagwati. Goddess Kali is worshiped here as Jagdamba. People flock here to offer sacrifice and Mundan sanskar. It has a scenic beauty and is a very good picnic spot.

 

 

Itkhori, Jharkhand
 

 

The History of Chatra District

  

Chatra, the gateway of the Jharkhand, particularly of Chotanagpur lies on a comparatively level tract of land between the upper plateau of Hazaribagh and the tangled mass of rock and ravine from Gaya and the Gangetic valley to the south and west of Chotangpur. It is 43 miles north-west of Hazaribagh and 48 miles south-west of Gaya and 90 miles from Ranchi in the North-west. It is at a height of 1400 feet from the sea level and is connected with the railway at Koderma railway station by metalled road. It is linked with G.T.Road at two points i.e. Dobhi 30 miles North & Chauparan 30 miles east which leads to Barhi (12miles) on the G.T.Road. The G.T.Road was the most important means of military communication between the lower provinces and the north of India from 1780 to 1858.

 

CHATRA THROUGH THE AGES

 

It would be surprising, rather shocking, to note that the present Chatra district was the Divisional administrative headquarters of south Bihar and it continued to be in the glorious position for about fifty four years, but the declining trend in prosperity started; it was reduced to a subdivision and is the silent spectator of the vicissitudes it has seen from the earliest time to the present day.

 

Ancient Chatra :- It is stated that during Asoka's reign i.e. 232 B.C. the " Atavi " or the forest states too acknowledged the supremacy of the Magadhan Empire and this may justify the conclusion that Chotanagpur was included in the Mauryan Empire, at least in his (Ashoka's) reign.

 

There was frequent intercourse between Kashi (Varanasi) and Hazaribagh. Parshvanath, the 23rd Trithankara, attained 'Nirvana' at the summit of the Parasnath Hill in the 8th century B.C. Swami Shitla , the 10th jain Tirthankara got 'Nirvana' at the hill of Kolhua (Kauleshwari hill in Hunterganj) in about 10 or 12th century B.C. It is a place of pilgrimage for the Hindus and it is considered to be of Hindu origin. Dr. M.A. Stein visited Kolhua Hill in 1900 A.D. and he was satisfied with his observations of its Jain-origin. The Jains built it and venerated it as the 'birth place' of Swami Shitla, the 10th Trithankara and continued to pay homage here till about 1867 A.D. It is ironical to note that it is now quite unknown to the ordinary Jains and is believed to be associated with the Pandvas.

 

The top of the hill is quite distinctive and is known as Akash Lochan (Sky eye).There are some ancient temples of 'Kali' or 'Kauleshwari Devi'. On Basant Panchami and Ram Navmi every year, a large number of pilgrims visit the hill top to worship and sacrifice of goats in front of the temple is common.

 

In a cave, there is a small image which is now worshipped by the Hindus. The image is clearly that of Parshvanath with a hood over the head. When it is observed closely the hood looks like the hoods of several serpents. The 'Dhyani Mudra' image of Parshvanath, with snake-hood over the head is common. The Jain relics at Kolhua hill are of Digambar Jains.

 

Bhaduli is another important historcal place of Chatra which is 22 miles away on the north-west of Chatra on the Chatra – Chauparan road only a few hundred meters from the Itkhori Block. It has Budhist relics; there is an image of 'Sahasra Lingam Shiva' at the top of which there is a cavity where water percolates and it is not known to anybody as to where it comes from. There is an inscription on the pedestal of the idol.

 
 
 

An ancient temple of Goddess 'Kali' is still existent there. These temple ruins have not been scientifically tested which would have thrown some light on the date of Hindu immigration into Chai (a village of Itkhori ). Siddharth penanced hard at Uruvela but could not achieve his goal. Then he took a holy dip in the River "Niranjana" (modern Lilajan – which flows from Chatra to Gaya via Jori and Hunterganj and culminates in the river Phalgu at Bodh Gaya) meditated at Bodh Gaya under a pipal tree, got enlightenment and was called Buddha, Tathagat & Shakya Muni. Samudra Gupta (320 to 380 A.D.) also passed through Chotanagpur when he led his expedition to the Eastern Deccan. It is said that Samudra Gupta marching through Chotanagpur directed the first attack against the kingdom of south Kaushal in the valley of Mahanadi. "I tsing" the Chinese traveller who visited "Tamluk" in 637 A.D. passed through the hill tracks of Chotangpur to reach Nalanda and Bodh Gaya.

 

Medieval Period :- To the Muhammadan historians the whole of Chotanagpur was in the tract which they knew as the Jharkhand or the forest country. It remained practically independent through out the Turko-Afghan period (1206 to 1526 A.D.) in India. The Rohtas fortress was the farthest limit of actual penetration made by them towars it.

 

Shams-i-Shiraz Afif the author of Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi enlivens us that Firoz shah Tughlaque after his second campaign against Bengal (1359-1360) proceeded towards the Rai of Jai Nagar (Modern Orissa) from Jaunpur and coming to terms with the said Rai returned by some route through Jharkhand. Dr. Qanungo opines that Shershah threatened his way to Rohtas through the jungles of Jharkhadn as best he could (second attack on Gaur (Bengal) 1538 A.D.)The Ain-i-Akbari informs us that Chotanagpur or Kukra pradesh was included in the suba of Bihar with the advent of Akbar on the throne of India in 1556. A new chapter was opened in the history of Chotanagpur.

 

Alamgir - Namah enlivens us that kothi lies 25 kos (50 miles) and kunda at the distance of 7 kos(14 miles) from palamu,Daud Khan the Mughal governer of Bihar during the reign of Aurangzeb occupied Kothi on 5th may 1660 without much opposition. He then moved towars the fort of Kunda which had a very strong opposition being situated on a hill. This fort came to be occupied and was completely destroyed on 3rd June 1660. Daud Khan stayed here during the rainy season. He also built fortified encampments at short intervals between kothi and kunda forts in each of which he placed a garrison. A personal servant of Aurangzeb named Ram Singh a descendant of Garhwal Rajput of Bundel Khand was granted " thane dari jagir" by Daud khan and Mangal khan in the Fasli year 1076 i.e. 1669 A.D. for the care and guarding of the roads . The analogy of Garhwal would suggest that he was a chieftain of a locally predominent race 'Kharwar'.

 

Kendi situated in the Chatra p.s. was in the possession of Ramgarh Rajas in the 17th century. At about1770 A.D. Kendi was reduced by Muhemmadans to the position of Zamindari and the earliest available information shows that one Nahir Singh was the proprietor at the beginning of the 18th century and his son Fateh Singh was making khorposh (maintenance grant in 1783 A.D.) Chai was subjugated by Mukund Singh of Ramgarh (1770 A.D.) and was partitioned amongst the chieftains of whom apparently four paid tribute to the fifth Raja Lakhan of Jagodih. Mention is made of Chai & Champa in the Ain-i-Akbari as assessed to revenue as a post of Suba Bihar but perhaps this simply indicated Kendi.

 

Mughal Pediod :- After the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 the Mughal Empire almost collapsed and Muhammad Shah was the Regent of the Mughal Empire from 1719 to 1748. Sir Buland Khan the then governor of Bihar who attacked chotanagpur in 1724 and was back after taking a huge wealth and diamonds. According to Shitab Rai Fugairud-daula proceeded for kunda (Hazaribagh) in 1730. The new Governor of Bihar Aliwardi Khan advanced towars kunda in 1734 after defeating the rebellious zamindars of Tikari (Gaya). He attakced the Chatra fort and the fort was demolished. Ghatwal Bishun Singh of Ramgarh Rajya and Aliwardi Khan possessed Rs. 12000/- form Ramgarh and Rs. 5000/- from Palamu and for sometime Ramgarh and Palamu Raj was handed over to Tikari and Senaut.

 

In 1740 A.D. Aliwardi Khan the Governor of Bihar Bengal & Orissa again sent an expedition against Ramgarh in the command of Hidayat Ali Khan , Jai Kishan Singh the Raja of Palamu and Siros, the Zamindar of Kutumba and Sherghati Sunder Singh was with Hidayat Ali Khan. They subdued the Ramgarh Raja and the Chatra fort of Ramgarh Raja was conquered (See Bihar through the ages p. 503 and P.C. Roy Choudhury 1857 in Bihar , Ramgarh Raj.) . There is no trace of the fort of Chatra now, but a Mohalla Dibha known as Garh par in Chatra proper is said to be the place where the fortress was erected. At two points " Surang " underground path is traceable and "garh par" is situated on a height and the road which leads to Karbala(Chatra) via Chhath Talab is downward. At " Khancha Dabar" (Dibha) some statues of Hindu dieties are to be found,Scattered and unidentified. The battle of Plassey in 1757 handed over the fate of India in the hands of the Britishers.

 

Modern Period :- The year 1765 A.D. opens a new epoch in the history of Chotanagpur as on 12th of August 1765. Emperor Shah Alam II granted the Diwani of Bengal,Bihar and Orissa to the East India Company. As Chotanagpur forms a part of Bihar the East India Company was entitled to recieve tribute or Ramgarh, Kharagdiha,Kendi and Kunda. The Britishers for the first time came in contact of these regions in 1769 and captain Camac first subdued the Rajas of Kharagdiha and Kunda. In 1771. He was the Military collector of Ramgarh district which was comprised of Nagpur, Palamu, and the present district of Hazaribagh and its headquarter was at Chatrfa.In 1780 captain Camac was succeeded by (Captain Heatley & the latter by captain Ramus – Military Collector ship) Mr. Chapman, was the first Civilian administator of chotanagpur " The conquered province". Mr. Chapman acted as a judge , a magistrate and a collector of revenue, his court was alternatlely held at Sherghati and Chatra, and his authority was enforced by the newly formed Ramgarh Battalion which was stationed at Hazaribagh.

 

In the year 1799 a Munsif was appointed for the first time and was staioned at Chatra. Ranchi settlement, Report indicates that in the year 1778, an establishment of five companies of sepoy was odered to be staioned at Chatra where the collector of Ramgarh resided for use in the district under his control. There was a vigorous apposition by the merchants of Chatra on the proposal of W.Hunter, the Judge Magistrate of Ramgarh for shifting of the administative headquarter from Chatra to Ichak (42 miles west of Vishnugarh & 6 miles north of the Silwar Dawk-station).

 

Governor General in Council thought it proper that the district be continued to remain at Chatra (Ramgarh Collecotr's Despatch Register no.6 page. 126)) and thus Chatra continued to be the district headquarters of Chatra or Ramgarh Zila from 1771 to 1833 A.D.

 

It is also interesting to note that Raja Ram Mohan Roy the father of Modern India worked as a sub-registrar at Chatra in 1805-6 A.D. and lived both at Chatra and Ramgarh in this capacity. When Mr. William Digbay was tranferred to Bhagalpur he took Ram Mohan Roy with him to his new place of Assignment. The old stone building housing the Sub-treasury and Sub-registrar's office was the same building where Raja Ram Mohan Roy worked some 195 years ago, which has been shifted near by. The old banyan tree standing infront of the office of the S.D.O. and Subtreasury is a mute witness to that historical glory of Chatra which it possessed. Hand written documents of Raja Ram Mohan Roy are to be found in the record room of the regristry office in Hazaribagh.

 

There was KOL Rebellion in 1831 against the Britishers which rocked the very foundatiuons of the English rule in chotanagpur. The results of this rebellion were far reaching in the administrative annals of Chotanagpur as the Ramgarh Zila was passed into a administrative control of the south western Frontier Agency with its headquarters at Ranchi. Chatra lost its past glories but something was compensated in the year 1914 when Chatra was made a sub-divisional headquarters of the Hazaribagh district.

 

Chatra offers another fascinating chapter in the history of freedom movement in Bihar . Just behind the State Bnak of India, Chatra Branch, there is a tank named ' Mangal Talao' and popularly known as 'Phansi Talab' where Sahid Park is made. It is here Jai Mangal Pandey and Nadir Ali Khan the two Subedars were hanged on a near by Mango tree during the great glorious rebellion of 1857. There is one pillar construction on the eastern bank of the said Talao(pond) where there is an inscription of a local poem immortalising the two sepoys:

 

"JAY MANGAL PANDEY NADIR ALI

 

DONO SUBEDAR RE

 

DONO MILKAR PHANSI CHARHE

 

HARJIVAN TALAB RE"

 

The most important engagement fought between the insurgents and the British Chotanagpur during the Mutiny of 1857 was the battle of Chatra. The two detachments of the 8th N.I.staioned at Hazaribagh broke into rebellion at 1.00 P.M. on 30th July 1857. Captain Dalton reoccupied Hazaribagh on 23rd September 1857 though stiffly resisted for the two month. They decided to leave the province by way to Chatra to join Babu Kunwar Singh of Bhojpur (Jagdishpur) who had rebelled against the Britishers at the age of eighty and had taken a vow drive them out from India. On the way a local zamindar Bhola Singh joined them and the mutineeres reached Chatra via Kuru, Chandwa and Balumath.

 

At Chatra they were attacked by a mixed force consisting of a portion of the 53rd Regiment of British troops and a detachment ( of 150) of Rattray's Sikh , numbering in all 320 men. Definitely they were surprised but they took up a strong position on the brow of a hill.

 

The hill is known as 'Kalipahari' two miles south west of Chatra. The small but locally important and decisive battle of Chatra was fought on 2 October 1857 near Chatra Jail (Mangal Talab). The Victoria cross Lieutenant J.C.C. Daunt of the 70th Bengal Native Infantry and sergeant Dynon of the 53rd Foot are stated to have acted with " conspicious gallantry in capturing two guns by pistolling the gunners, who were moving down the detachment with grape". Seventy seven bodies of mutineers were buried in one pit on the 3rd October 1857 and a large number of them were wounded and their arms and ammunitions were captured that some external assistance to the mutineers was suspected Major English asked for one hundred men from Calcutta as "the guns will have to be dragged across many swamps and the road is very difficult". (Hazaribagh old Racord P.C. Roy p.102).

 

The Rebellions were crushed mercilessly. Jai Managal Pandey and Nadir Ali Khan subedar of the Battalion were caught and brought before simpson on 3rd October 1857 and were sentenced to death on 4th October 1857 under the provision of the act of XVII of 1857.

 

A little away from Chatra town – say one K.m. away there is one village behind the Divisional Forest Office near Catholic Ashram, where an old cemetry over grown with bushes still bears testimony to the heroic battle fought by about 30 sepoys of against the Britishers during the sepoy mutiny in 1857. The inscription on the cemetry says that the Battalion of the army men had to be brought from Ramgarh Cantt. to destroy barely 20 sepoys during the great Mutiny. The inscription runs as follows.:-

 

In the grave are buried "The 56 men of Her Majesty's 53rd Regiment of foot and a party of Rattrys sikhs who were killed at Chatra on October 2, 1857 in action against mutineers of the Ramgarh Battalion, Lt. J.C.C.Daunt of the 70th Bengal Native Infantry and sergeant D.Dynon of the 53rd regiment were awarded victoria cross fro conspicuous gallantry in the battle in which the mutineers were completely defeated and lost all their four guns and ammunitions.

 

The British chroniclers have given a very perverted account of what is known as the 'MUTINY of 1857' in Chotanagpur which needs exploration and probe as the movement was very popular, wide spread and acute.

 

National Movement :- On December 12th 1912 Bihar and Orissa and Chotanagpur were seperated from Bengal by a Royal Proclamation to form a separate provice under a lieutenant General in Council. In Nov. 1914 Chatra Subdivision was formed with Chatra as its headquarter. Orissa was separated from Bihar in 1936.

 

The national movement picked up momentum in Bihar in 1921. Dr. Rajendra Prasad the first President of free India visited Hazaribagh the same year and addressed a meeting at Chatra and Hazaribagh, there was also a move to boycott the local Schools.National schools were started at Chatra , Hazaribagh and Dhanwar, but these schools collapsed due to financial hardships.

 

One of the most striking feature of 1942 i.e. Quit India Movement was the escape of Shree Jai Prakash Narayan and seven others from the Hazaribagh Central Jail. Here notable congress leaders were lodged on the Night of Diwali (9th Nov.1942) Jai Prakash Narayan escaped from the Jail and came to Tatra ( a village of Chatra). All efforts for their detection failed.

 

Chotanagpur Keshri Babu Ram Narayan Singh of p.s.Hunterganj fought bravely and gave stiff resistance to the Britishers and took rest only after driving them out of India (1947). And now Chatra has become a district of Bihar since July 1991.

 

THE BATTLE OF CHATRA (1857)

 

The Revolt of 1857 began in the tribal and hilly area of Chotanagpur on 30 July when the sepoys stationed at Hazaribagh rose in revolt and all the Europeans deserted that station. The soldiers of the Ramgarh battalion stationed at Doranda, near Ranchi, sent to control the situation at Hazaribagh, themselves revolted in the way and returned to their station, making Ranchi and Doranda, the two newly created townships, the centre of their revolt .The Commissioner of the Chotanagpur Division,E.T.Dalton,left Ranchi along with other Europeans and remained at Bagodar ,Barhi and Hazaribagh for about seven weeks.

 

Meanwhile the rebels plundered the treasury and burnt houses at Hazaribagh and Ranchi both . They also tried to enlist the support of the local zamindars .As Dalton and others were frantically seeking reinforcements from Calcutta , the British rule in Chotanagpur seemed to have ended.

 

It is only with the arrival of the Madrasis and the Sikhs in September that the local authorities could do something to restore the order.

 

As F.B.Bradley-Birt says,"The five hundred Madrasis and the detachment of Her Majesty's 53rd Foot must have been a welcome sight as they came up the Grand Trunk Road."1 But before these troops could act,the Hazaribagh and Ranchi mutineers had left these stations and Colonel Fisher lamented on 24 September that "the Ramgarh mutineers ,with their guns,are ,moving about in a small province,and not an official,civil and military,can tell where they are to be found."2

 

On 11 September the rebels left Doranda and at Chutia they were joined by a zamindar named Bhola Singh.Then through Kuru and Chandawa they reached Chatra,presumably to march further to Rohatasgarh to join the rebel chief Kunwar Singh of Jagdishpur in Shahabad (west Bihar).3

 

Since the rebels have not left any written account we have to rely on the records of the English East India Company which often gives a blurred picture of the movements and actions of the rebels.So we do not know much about how they reached Chatra,forty miles away from Hazaribagh.4

 

Dalton sent 150 men of the 53rd Food of the British Army and 50 of Rattray's Sikhs under Major English in pursuit of the rebels. At Hazaribagh they were joined by Captain J.Simpson ,the Deputy Commissioner of that district,5 and then they moved towards the rebels.

 

According to the statement of Jaimangal Singh before Simpson, when the rebels reached Chatra their leader,Madhav Singh a Jamadar,seized the local Mahant's horse and tried to rob him off.But as they heard of the arrival of the European and Sikh forces in a neighbouring village Dhoree , they thought this was a rumour6 and continued with their Robinhood syndrome as well as the shooting practice of their new recruits from Bhojpur and elsewhere , According to Simposon , their want of behalf in the approach of the English army proved must fatal.

 

By 30 September the Comapy's forces under Major English headed towards Chatra and when the rebels were convinced that a class was inevitable they took up" a strong position" in the western part of this town' with the whole city on their east, the narrow streets which could not be passed through ' without endangering the small British forces. The rebel army led by the former subadars and jamadars of the Ramgarh battalion and a few zamindars, knew fully well the geopolits of the area and stationed themselves at a place of strategic importance. The road to the town was over a bridge and there were"deep rice fields"to the north of the bridge, making it difficult for the company's forces "to pass with rapidity" However due to the suddenness of the English attack the rebels who were plundering the city could not join the main body of the rebel force.

 

Major Smith who was somewhat familiar with the area drew up a rough plan of the Chatra town and its approach on the basis of which Major English decided to launch the attack after rounding the south of the city and coming opposite the position of the rebels near the old jail.

 

According to an official estimate the total number of the rebels at the Chatra encounter was 3,000 and the English side had Rattray's Sikhs from Burhee and Hazaribagh in all 320 rank and file form the 53rd regiment as well as from the Bengal police battalion.10

 

The advanced guards located the main body of the rebels on the heights and immediately the skirmishers got to the north across a narrow belt of rice ground and engaged the rebels. The Enfield rifle ball discharged at a distance of 900 yards proved effective and the rebels immediately reped by around shot fired towards the approaching English army . But since the Europeans and the Sikhs had almost crossed the rice fields not much harm was done to them .However, a horse was killed and its owner had to advance on foot.

 

After crossing the rice fields the Europeans moved by the east of the village Kulotia and Lt Earle commanding the Sikhs with Major T.Simpson and some men,proceeded through the hamlet and came near the rebel force . The Europeans were already "hotly engaged with the rebels at the tops of trees".11

 

A large number of the rebels now rushed up in a "skirmishing order" advancing on the rear of the Company's forces. Simpson immediately warned the Sikhs of the imminent danger and they took up a position in the grove and " fired steadily upon the enemy, killing and wounding some 7 including a former Jamadar with a blue coat12.

 

As soon as the main body of the Sikhs has beaten off the attack from the south – east they joined the attack on the two remaining guns which were pouring grape shots, etc, upon Simpson and his men passing through the grove which proved to be the graveyard of "many of the Europeans and some of the sikhs"13.It was only due to "the determined intrepidity" of Lt. Daunt who rushed to the left flank of the remaining gun and captured it, that the rebels left this spot, but only after many of them were killed and wounded by the Enfield rifles. however, the shot, of the rebel guns still moved down the Company's forces "tearing away the branches or ploughing up the ground."14 But for the partial cover of the trees the loss on the English side would have been heavier.
 

On the English side 56 men were killed and wounded 46 Europeans and 10 Sikhs.15 the wounds of some of the Europeans were so severe that four of them had to undergo amputation. Later more than a hundred men on the government side were hospitalised. On the rebel side 150 died 77 bodies were buried in one pit alone on 3 October and the number of the wounded was very large, about a hundred found lying in the jungle. Many of the wounded who had somehow escaped form the battle field were captured and brought by the rural police(Chaukidars and Dafadars) and the villagers. Many rebels fled towards Sherghati after throwing their arms which were picked up by the government's men.

 

The clash, one of the biggest in 1857 in Bihar, had lasted one hour and the rebels completely defeated and routed. Four guns with the wagons, ten elephants, all the ammunitions and several boxes containing the looted government treasure and other articles were captured.16

 

Simpson spoke highly of the conduct of the troops under Major English in this battle: the cool intrepidity of the detachment of Her Majesty's 53rd with every officer attached to in, well seconded in the attack by the Sikhs under lieut. Earle and the excellent arrangements of Major English and his staff rendered success certain and although it has been achieved at (a) considerable loss, yet the object gained has been great."17 Two Victoria Crosses were won-on by Lt.Daunt of the 7oth Bengal N.1 and the other by sergeant Dynon of the British 53rd foot for "conspicuous gallantry in capturing two guns by pistolling the gunners who were moving down the English detachment"18

 

Such was the impression created by the rebels that L.E.W.O Brien,the 3rd Assistant in charge, informed Calcutta through Lt.Stanton on the electric telegraph form Sherghati that Major English did not feel "strong enough to escort "the captured articles through the surrounding jungles which werre full of disbanded sepoys and plunderers'19 He wanted 10 men more for he had only 25 Sikhs with with him at Sherghati and he was to march to Chatra with a detachment on the Europeans to help in bringing in the captured ammunition. In another message Major English reiterated that his party was "very weak" to carry the wounded and the guns etc"20

 

Soon the Company's side changed its camp from the west of Chatra to Kalapahari, two miles away, because they could not stand the offensive smell of the corpses strewn at the battle ground. Two Subadars of the Ramgarh battalion, Jai Mangal Pandey and Nadir Ali ,who had led the assault at Chatra, were captured in the jungle on the 3rd, tried under the provisions of the Act XVII of 1857 and Simpson in his capacity of the Commissioner under this act, sentenced them to death "on the very ground where they had made such an exemplary resistance to the British troops two days previously.'21

 

The statement 22 of these martyrs sent to Calcutta by the Commissioner, are quite revealing. Jagatpal Singh, the Lal of Salgi, was in close touch with his uncle-in-law Kunwar Singh of Shahabad. According to Simpson, eight of the sepoys of the two companies of the 8th regiment native infantry who mutinied at Hazaribagh, had joined the chief of Salgi " to keep up the excitement and spirit of rebellion" already engendered in the Ramgarh Light Infantry by the machinations of Jamadar Madho Singh" at Doranda and Ranchi.

 

The Jamadar Madho (Madhav) Singh escaped from the Chatra battle and even though a reward of Rs. 1,000 was declared on this prime-over of the rebellion in Ranchi, like Nana Saheb of Kanpur, he could never be traced.

 

The two other rebel leaders, Thakur Bishwanath Sahi of Barkagarh and Pandey Ganpat Rai, a former Diwan of the Chotanagpur estate, also escaped and the Thakur's planquin and two personal servants were found in the jungle .Sahi returned to his zamindari in the Lohardaga district, collected a large number of men, plundered several villages ,burnt the government thana at Barwa and with 1,100 men proceeded to attack the lohardaga town when he was captured and all his property confiscated .His associate Pandey was also arrested and both of them were sentenced to death in a summary trial and hanged on the trees at Ranchi in April 1858.

 

This shows that even after the Chatra defeat ,some leading lights among the rebels were not disheartened; they only shifted the scene of their operation. As P.C Roy Choudhury remarks, the English victory at Chatra "crushed the movement in the Hazaribagh district"24 but the rebels in other areas were not at all cowed down.

 

After all mere courage could not bring success to the rebels against a well organised army ,but there is no doubt that the Chatra engagement was "a grim fight" with a "terrible blood shed on either side "25 However the support given to the British side by the inhabitants of Chatra is surprising indeed .The mahajans who had been plundered at the orders of Bhola singh Baraik of Chutia captured the latter, shut him in a room and starved him to death.26

 

In view of the seizure of a large amount of ammunitions at Chatra Simpson suspected that besides the ones plundered at Doranda the rebels might have other sources of supply. Moreover, small coins and a chest of opium were also recovered from the rebels.

 

While transmitting Simpson's report on the Chatra clash Dalton rejoiced that" nothing could have been more favourable to the through re-establishment of the authority of Government and the speedy restoration of order than the circumstance under which the mutineers were signally defeated. Since the rebels had brought in their service hundreds of the labourers of the various regions of the Chotanagpur division who saw the defeat of the rebel force with their own eyes, the news spread like wild fire and had " a dampening effect" on the villagers near by. Dalton called the success at Chatra "brilliant" and expected "most important results." The Chatra encounter, he hoped, would have the way for the restoration of peace at Doranda (Ranchi). On this point he was right, but the other areas of his division, especially Singhbhum, soon saw a bigger conflagration than had occurred before the Chatra battle. No doubt it was an uneven fight, but the courage shown by the rebels kept on inspiring their counterparts in other areas. The two tombs near the forest colony to the western periphery of Chatra still "recall the great battle that took place" on 2 October 1857.
 
According to the oral tradition a large number of the rebels were hanged on the mango tree by the side of the tomb and their dead bodies thrown in the tank near by. No wonder this tank at Chatra is called the Phansi (connected with hanging) and bhutaha talab (the tank with ghosts). 12th of August 1765. Emperor Shah Alam II granted the Diwani of Bengal,Bihar and Orissa to the East India Company. As Chotanagpur forms a part of Bihar the East India Company was entitled to recieve tribute or Ramgarh, Kharagdiha,Kendi and Kunda. The Britishers for the first time came in contact of these regions in 1769 and captain Camac first subdued the Rajas of Kharagdiha and Kunda. In 1771. He was the Military collector of Ramgarh district which was comprised of Nagpur, Palamu, and the present district of Hazaribagh and its headquarter was at Chatrfa.In 1780 captain Camac was succeeded by (Captain Heatley & the latter by captain Ramus – Military Collector ship) Mr. Chapman, was the first Civilian administator of chotanagpur " The conquered province". Mr. Chapman acted as a judge , a magistrate and a collector of revenue, his court was alternatlely held at Sherghati and Chatra, and his authority was enforced by the newly formed Ramgarh Battalion which was stationed at Hazaribagh.

 

In the year 1799 a Munsif was appointed for the first time and was staioned at Chatra. Ranchi settlement, Report indicates that in the year 1778, an establishment of five companies of sepoy was odered to be staioned at Chatra where the collector of Ramgarh resided for use in the district under his control. There was a vigorous apposition by the merchants of Chatra on the proposal of W.Hunter, the Judge Magistrate of Ramgarh for shifting of the administative headquarter from Chatra to Ichak (42 miles west of Vishnugarh & 6 miles north of the Silwar Dawk-station).

 

Governor General in Council thought it proper that the district be continued to remain at Chatra (Ramgarh Collecotr's Despatch Register no.6 page. 126)) and thus Chatra continued to be the district headquarters of Chatra or Ramgarh Zila from 1771 to 1833 A.D.

 

It is also interesting to note that Raja Ram Mohan Roy the father of Modern India worked as a sub-registrar at Chatra in 1805-6 A.D. and lived both at Chatra and Ramgarh in this capacity. When Mr. William Digbay was tranferred to Bhagalpur he took Ram Mohan Roy with him to his new place of Assignment. The old stone building housing the Sub-treasury and Sub-registrar's office was the same building where Raja Ram Mohan Roy worked some 195 years ago, which has been shifted near by. The old banyan tree standing infront of the office of the S.D.O. and Subtreasury is a mute witness to that historical glory of Chatra which it possessed. Hand written documents of Raja Ram Mohan Roy are to be found in the record room of the regristry office in Hazaribagh.

 

There was KOL Rebellion in 1831 against the Britishers which rocked the very foundatiuons of the English rule in chotanagpur. The results of this rebellion were far reaching in the administrative annals of Chotanagpur as the Ramgarh Zila was passed into a administrative control of the south western Frontier Agency with its headquarters at Ranchi. Chatra lost its past glories but something was compensated in the year 1914 when Chatra was made a sub-divisional headquarters of the Hazaribagh district.

Adivasi woman chops off head of 3 years old boy

March 25/2010: In a terrible incident today, an Adivasi woman chopped off the head of a three-year-old boy with a sword at Saparamguttu village in Chaibasa district (websites: http://chaibasa.ozg.in and http://chaibasa.nic.in ) of Jharkhand State.

 

The boy was playing with his friends in front of his house when his neighbour Tulsi Kui, an alleged witch craft practitioner, attacked them.

 

The other boys managed to escape but, Kui caught hold of Sinku and allegedly chopped off his head, police said.

 

The villagers caught hold of Kui and handed her over to police. The reasons behind the woman's actions is still being investigated.

 

 

Related News and Videos, compiled by Jharkhand Forum: -

 

1.) http://www.jharkhand.org.in/adivasi-witchcraft

 

2.) http://jharkhandforum.wordpress.com/2009/03/30/jharkhand-forum-adivasi-witchcraft-in-india-the-most-sensational-murder-of-sorcery-suspect/

 

3. http://adivasi.jharkhand.org.uk/2010/03/adivasi-woman-branded-witch-killed-on.html

 
 

Sudesh Kumar

J H A R K H A N D

www.jharkhand.org.uk  

  

Email: sudesh.kumar@jharkhand.org.uk or, sudesh.kumar@jharkhand.org.in

 

Adivasi Woman branded witch, killed on Intl Women’s Day

Even as the world outside observed International Women’s Day on Monday, at Sikriatanr in Simdega district of Jharkhand, a mob of 150 tribals branded a woman of their tribe as witch and beat her to death. According to 58-year-old Birsa Chik, his wife Geeta Devi (55) was accused of being a witch and killed. Her body was later sent to the Sadar hospital for post-mortem. Trouble began when two villagers, Muska Chick (57) and his nephew Sukra (45), were told by an exorcist that Muska’s 22-year-son Jairam, who probably suffered from typhoid, was a victim of a spell cast by Geeta. A panchayat was held and soon 150 Chik Baraiks charged at Geeta with sticks and beat her up till she died, according to the FIR filed by Birsa. None of the 10 persons, who were named in the FIR, were arrested till Tuesday.

 

Mar 10, 2010 at 2238 hrs Ranchi / indian express

http://www.jharkhand.org.in/adivasi-witchcraft   

 

Sudesh Kumar

J H A R K H A N D

www.jharkhand.org.uk

 

Email: sudesh.kumar@jharkhand.org.uk or sudesh.kumar@jharkhand.org.in

Is Operation Green Hunt the Solution?

Troops have entered the forests. And with this has set in a hot debate—Is ‘Operation Greenhunt’ the solution for the Naxal problem which has infected large areas of well over eight important states of the country—Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Maharastra and West Bengal.

 

These states are ‘important’, for they house well over 80 per cent of the mineral resources like iron, coal, bauxite, manganese among others, of India. The future industrial and economic growth of the country depends much upon the ‘peace’ in this region. Naxalism in this region thus, is looked upon as an impediment of future growth of the country.

 

After several rounds of talks of Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram with the Chief Ministers of Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhattisgarh and West Bengal that were held either in Delhi or in Kolkata in the months of January-February recently, the anti-naxal operations have taken off. The troops can now be seen in the forests of Jharkhand and West Bengal.

 

Entry of para-military forces into the forests has resulted in a debate among intellectuals, some of whom have now found a new subject to think upon—the tribal population. In several metro cities including Delhi, several intellectuals are proclaiming themselves as ‘experts’ on ‘Naxal’ issues and ‘tribal’ issues. Since majority of the areas affected by Naxalism coincidentally falls in tribal areas, some intellectuals have mistakenly conjoined Naxal issues with tribal issues, which actually is a misnomer. In television channels too, often some people go close to put forward the two things as one, when they say that Operation Greenhunt will hunt down the tribals. Thus, in a way they are identifying tribals as Naxals, which by all yards stick is a false propaganda which has its origin in ignorance. The sooner such kinds of a line stops, the better it is for the tribal people.
 
 
 
 
 

It is true that a good chunk of the Naxalites may be tribals, as the Naxalites find it easy to cheat the gullible tribal people into their fold. As the tribal people have been suppressed, oppressed and denied their share in the modern developments, red brigade’s minor effort is enough to pull this group into their fold. However, only a small portion of the tribal youths are actually with them, majority of them still believing in the goodness of democracy.

 

The Indian society must know that it is the tribal society which has borne the maximum brunt of Naxalism. Worse happenings due to Naxalism still await the population that has always been at the receiving end. If the Naxalites kill the innocents in order to spread their fear among the people or send out a message to the government, it is the poor tribal villagers who get killed. If the Naxalites kill the police—often the constables, it is mostly the tribals policemen as they are in large number in the lower strata of the police—at least in Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. 

 

Further, the idyllic life of the tribal people in the villages, their rich culture and values have received a massive set back due to Naxalism. Earlier, they celebrated various festivals with each other in joy—sharing life together. They used to dance and sing at night in the akhras (dancing ground) situated in the middle of the village. But not more. Naxalism has eroded all these cultural values. It has broken the tribal villages into groups, leading to bloody fights among each other at times.

 

In all this, the opinion of the tribal people on the Operation Greenhunt is scarcely cared for. But, this is very important because the operations are or will be carried out mostly in areas which are mainly populated by the tribal people. It is this group who will see it from close and will be a ‘factor’ in the process. It is true that some intellectuals have spoken for them or some journalists have written on their behalf on the Operation Greenhunt. But tribals themselves are yet to speak. True, they have elected representatives in the assembly as well as in the Parliament. But even these representatives consciously avoid burning their fingers speaking about Naxalism.

 

Factors like levy collection on government works, from contractors or from private companies; have alienated the Naxalites from the people. This cult of the present day so-called Naxalites has reduced them into a bunch no better than thieves and extortionists. The recent practice of abduction of government officials in West Bengal and Jharkhand order to create pressure on the government(s) has also put them far away from their forefathers—the original revolutionists from Naxalbari of West Bengal.

 

Therefore, the usual line of thinking often displayed by some intellectuals that tribals are Naxal sympathizers is grossly wrong. Feeling the pulse of the tribal people on the issue of Naxalism would reveal that they would like peace in their regions. They would not like killing—either by the Naxalites or by the security forces any more.

 

The long oppression, suppression and exploitation of the tribal people have played as the cause for some tribal villagers joining the rank and file of the Naxalites. In several villages, the tribal people may appear to be with the Naxalites as the police may find them non-cooperative. But, it is the fear of the Naxalites that makes them so. On the other hand, the population finds itself a sandwich between the police and the Naxalites—a phenomenon which may find its zenith during the operation. 

 

Operation Greenhunt has generated two groups among the intellectuals who are closely observing the same and like to talk what they think. However, the group of intellectuals who are opposing the operation seems louder.

 

Like the intellectuals, the anti-naxal operation has also resulted two groups in the tribal society—a group supporting the operation, especially the one which is just tired of the killing spree of Naxalites. However, the group which is supporting the operation appears bigger in size. All they want is end of the Naxal menace and real development. This group is an optimistic one and opines that democracy will deliver. If the government fails to live the expectation of this group in the coming days, the region is headed for an eventual doom.

 

But, even this group of tribal people has one fear—is this operation actually aimed at solving the Naxal problem or a ‘hunt’ for their lands which are mineral rich and upon which have the greedy eye of multinational companies?

 

The Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram should therefore tell the tribal people that this operation is not motivated for any other purpose except cleaning the greens (forests) of the Naxalites. This operation will only free the region of Naxal problem. And this operation will not in any way evacuate the villagers from their villages.

 

The fear of the tribal people about this Operation Greenhunt has been compounded by the recent example of consequences of Salwa Judum in Chhattisgarh. Thousands of tribals have been evacuated from their ancestors’ villages and lands and put in camps. They have been reduced to the status of refugees in their own land. And the government reportedly, as some intellectuals opposing the Operation Greenhunt argue, is planning to hand over the vacated lands to the multinational companies so that they can set up their shops there. If this happens, India is set for a bigger problem which would be worse than the present Naxal problem.

 

Is use of force against Naxalites is not the only solution? While many would not like to talk about an alternative, some would opine that ‘dialogue’ is an alternative. But, are the Naxalites actually interested to end Naxalism. Now, some Naxal leaders have shown interest in dialogue. But the genuineness in such a change is doubtful.

 

Use of force in ending Naxalism is being thought as an alternative. But, the real issue is to what extent and how. And, to what end.

 

Amidst all these debates, Operation Greenhunt—a code name of anti-naxalite operation given by the media rather than the government, has begun. The real care that should be given by the government is that no innocent villager is killed in the operation. This apart, the government should immediately ensure that the forgotten culture and community life is brought back in the villages simultaneously. Further, in no way it should vacate the villagers from their villages. This will be self-defeating action for the government. For, the government, through this act, will prove the Naxalites’ stand—that the government wants to take away tribals’ land for mining and industries– right. This would be deadly. Naxalites may die in the operation. But, Naxalism will get a new life.

 

Solomon Kiro

 

(The author is associated with Indigenous News and Feature Agency—INFA, Ranchi, Jharkhand)

 

Green Hunt Corp, Adivasi & Maoist

 

The Green Hunt can be criticised from more than one points of view. The Green Hunt should not be evaluated only on the basis of the last few months i.e. since the name was coined. The idea of the green hunt actually started some years back with ideas like the Salwa Judum. What has been the achievement of that Green Hunt? It has led to the death of more security personnel than maoist rebels. But many times greater has been the deaths and suffering faced by innocent tribal people. Tribal women have been raped, young tribal men and women butchered, hundreds of villages have been gutted to force tribal people to move in to camps that bring the horrors of Hitler's Camps to one's mind. Tribal youth who have been forced to join as SPOs are given the worst kind of treatment by their superiors. They have the worst kind of weapons – 303 rifles that are no match to the AK 47s and AK 56s of the maoist rebels. They get a salary of less than 3000 rupees, something that is less than even the minimum wages for NREGA work. And when the combing operations are held, it is these young boys, many of them hardly out of their teens, who are set in the front. To get killed by the first gun shot, the first ambush, the first landmine that comes in the way. Not only is there truth in the allegation that the elites of the country have sent a force of the children of poor people to fight the maoists, even among them, the tribal youth suffer further discrimination.

 
 
 
 

In the parent country of Maoism, the poor are in worse state than they are in India. The maoists in India may try to come out in support of the people facing displacement. But in China millions of people get displaced every year without even the slightest opportunity for protest and perhaps without the little compensation that the Indian government throws at the displaced people. If we compare the respective official estimates, the number of people displaced by the Three Gorges project is more than 12 times that of the Hirakud Dam. Of course the official figures lie and the number of people actually displaced by the Hirakud Dam is at least double the official figure. But it can also be assumed that the Chinese government figure would be equally, if not more, likely to be an understatement. Of course the maoists can make the claim that China does not follow Maoism anymore (even if they are not able to make that claim because of ideological reasons, the truth is that China is more Deng than Mao).How are the maoists planning to ensure that India does not become like China (or like Stalinist Russia)? If the dream of the maoists is actually to make India like today's China, they need not bother much. They can actually come out of the forests and join the Congress or the BJP and create more SEZs. Both parties are leaving no stones unturned to follow in the footsteps of today’s China. But if the maoists actually want to set up in India what Mao sought to set up in China, then they are in the same state as Tom Hanks in the 'Terminal'. The country of their ideological passport no more exists. But it has to be admitted as well that ideologies do not need a country to exist.

 

While travelling in Dantewara I saw totally demolished school buildings and ICDS centres. The maoists had destroyed them as they felt these could be used to house the security forces. I saw blown up culverts that maoists felt could aid the movement of the security forces. Not very far from such places I found a booster station of Essar's hundreds of kilometres long iron ore pipeline – without any security, along a rather deserted road. We met the caretaker of the place, a rather frail looking man in his late forties or early fifties, unarmed (and unharmed). Was he afraid of the maoists attacking and destroying the boosting station? He seemed surprisingly secure in his belief that the maoists will not attack this installation. Later I came to know that maoist cadres had convinced in favour of the pipeline, when villagers in certain places did not want to allow Essar to dig their lands to install the pipelines. "Its not going to take away your land, the pipeline will only go under it without affecting your agriculture" the maoists had reasoned with the reluctant villagers – of course tribals in the maoist heartland know that you are not supposed to say no to the maoists. So why do the maoists blow up schools, Anganwadis, railway stations, and seem to be having no such problems with the plants and pipelines of the private companies – I say private companies as they did attack NALCO recently? Your guess is as good as mine!

 

Will Maoism solve the problems of the Tribals? I am not so sure. For a variety of reasons. The first, and let me be upfront on that, is that being a pacifist and an admirer (though miserable follower) of Gandhi and non-violence I am not really able to appreciate how violence is going to end violence. But the maoists can have a cheeky response to this one, "Whoever said we want to end the violence. We want dictatorship of the proletariat with violence in hands of the state machinery and the state machinery in the hands of the Proletariat". Now they may not actually say that, but I have generally felt that they do not want an end to violence. They only seem to be wanting that the oppressed should be the one holding the power of violence. But that'd be a contradiction as well. Well I admit there is Castro who has proven to be wrong those who say that an armed revolution can never lead to true peace. But do the maoists have the people like Castro or Guevara among them or a Bhagat Singh whose faith in non-violence, in retrospect, can not be termed to be any lower than that of Gandhi himself? From what one see around us, it does not seem like that.

 

Are the maoists near the Tribals because they are committed to the tribals or anything? The maoists already have plans for urban warfare. Some of the preparatory work already seems to have begun. Maoists are not fighting for the tribals. They are near the Tribals because the tribals are either inside the forests or near them. Reasons similar to why the TATAs or Vedanta want to go near the Tribals, because they are sitting on or near the minerals. Of course there is an important difference – the corporates want the tribals to be thrown out of their land while the maoists do not seem to be having any such design. Nevertheless, the maoists have led to the Tribals being hunted out of many villages. Possibly the tribals are being hunted out merely for the minerals and the water. But the maoist angle is giving the government a nice alibi. Something that goes down better with the general public than the Kalinga Nagar or Nandigram firing (Interestingly the media has never been as harsh on Neveen Patnaik for Kalinga Nagar as it has been on Buddhadeb for Nandigram – an imperfect communist is less acceptable than an imperfect communalist, look at the way Jyoti Basu was not even spared after his death while Indira Gandhi became mother Goddess).
 
The Tribal is actually caught in the middle between two warring factions who are fighting in the same territory, often I feel ultimately for not too different purposes. But whatever the maoists may be, they can not be blamed of one thing, i.e. lack of battle tactics. Look at our security forces, when they go to a tribal village, do the tribals feel protected or do they feel threatened? Tribals do not seem to be feeling equally threatened by the maoists though. Of course not being a Tribal myself, I stand open to correction regarding this view by comments from a genuine tribal or someone genuinely working among them. How many people have tried in vain to knock the doors of the courts against atrocities committed by the security forces from arson to rape to murder! Do we see a similar kind of anger against the maoists? In a Guerrilla insurgency, the guerrilla must not antagonise the community. The maoists seem to be doing quite well on that front. In the fight against an insurgency, the government must gain the confidence of the community. Does the government seem to be doing well on that front? The maoists seem to be having an ideology, or at least pretending to have one. Much of that ideology, I do not believe in at all. But what ideology does the government have? Anything that it can say openly and with courage or anything that it can convincingly pretend? The government knows that the average perception of the police, and the bureaucracy is one of corruption and oppression. What has it done to convince the tribals that it is serious about redressing the way tribals have suffered at the hands of the police and the bureaucracy. The government knows that the corporates use all sorts of unfair means to get rid of the tribals so that they can take the land for mining, dams, and what not. What has it done to convince the tribals that it is serious about preventing this in the future and redressing the wrongs of the past? Rather the tribal knows very well that the government is acting more as an agent of such corporates. Is it any wonder that the tribal does not want to be part of the government's fight against the maoists! For this the tribal does not need to love the maoist.
 
The hatred of the government is enough. But the maoists have also been intelligently building their hegemony among the tribals. During the independence struggle, Gandhi and the Congress (no relation of the current Power Gandhis or the current Congress) built their hegemony in the minds of the people by standing up for the good. Gandhi and the Congress stood for prohibition while the colonial government stood for liquor. Today it is the maoists who are standing up in many places against the opening of alcohol shops while the government is bent upon opening an alcohol shop in very tribal village. Gandhi and the Congress stood for communal harmony while the British stood for divide and rule. Today it is the maoists who seem to be standing for communal harmony while governments stand for divide and rule. Gandhi and the Congress stood against foreign capital while the colonial government supported it. Today it is the maoist who seems to be more  active against foreign capital (some of it seems like a pretension really but at least not to the general public) while the government seems bent upon selling the country's resources to foreign interests as well as local big business. Its a strange flow indeed foreign exchange comes in as investment and goes out as deposits in Swiss Banks and what not. Gandhi and the Congress called for villages to settle their disputes on their own and become self reliant, the British wanted to make the villages eternally dependent as sellers of raw materials and purchasers of finished products. Today the maoist seems to have taken the first role as the government seems to have taken the second role. The government kills tribals almost indiscriminately. The maoists kill selectively and after trying o prove in the community that the particular person was a police informer. Even when attempting large scale attacks on security forces, the maoists seem to have been less hell-bent on butchering the tribal SPOs or the local police than the elite CRPF that has no connection to the local community, no place at all in their hearts, rendered even more unpopular through what they have done to the tribals. Forget about bigger things, the government has not been able to even give the forcibly displaced tribals of Dantewara work under NREGA. It prevented people like Jean Dreze from even making a visit. There are endless examples of such dichotomy. How can the government defeat the maoists in this kind of a situation. The battle for popularity seems to have been won clearly by the tribals. If tribals were in control of news channels you and me would be reminded of this every day rather than the other versions.

 

The government has two options. Either to act in a manner that the tribals develop trust in the government, or to get rid of the tribals. Else the maoists will continue to enjoy local support that will make it very difficult for the government to defeat them. What choice is the government making? Dantewara is the example of what option the government is taking. Its killing the tribals bit by bit, many physically but most through destroying their way of life. Does a tribal call living in a concentration camp in Dantewara, living like a tribal? Less dramatically, does a tribal call living in a company colony, with no access to any livelihood other than selling their labour, living like a tribal. The government of India is not ready to listen to those who want to help it gain the confidence of the tribals. Himanshuji made a small beginning in Dantewara. He was hounded out. Those who speak out against displacement are branded as maoists. Those who speak out against sale out of mines and minerals are branded as maoists. Those who speak out against atrocities by the police are branded as maoists. It reminds one of the story of the King who passed an order to kill all the old people in his kingdom and ended up killing most of the wise people. It seems the government has decided to brand as maoists all those who are raising the voice of sanity, the voices that want India to continue as a sovereign country free from imperial incursions, the voices that get lost in the clamour of 24 hour news channels demanding yet more fighting, demanding to call out the Army, the Air Force. 

 

The government has chosen. It is highly unlikely that it will change its tactics. What else can one expect from a government that supports the US in Afghanistan and Iraq. Is it a mere coincidence that the government's approach is so eerily similar to the US approach in the tribal areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan. Every now and then one hears talks about the Air Force and the Drones. But the US is killing citizens of some other country. That is bad enough. We are killing our own people. But is is the average elite Indian really thinking that the tribals are their own people, or do they think them to be mere hindrances, sitting on the land that must be cleared to make way for the highway  of double digit growth. And it puts a knife through one's heart when one sees young people whose heart should not have given up on ideals (no I am not saying ideologies) clamouring for getting the Air Force and the Drones in to the Act. The pain is doubly greater when one hears such voices from the JNU. May be JNU is doomed to inherit the other legacy of Jawaharlal Nehru. Perhaps it can not learn Nehru's secularism or anti-imperialism without getting a bit rubbed off from the despicable acts against the tribals he ended up praising and presiding over.

 

Manas

Cops booked for rape to rape of four Khond Adivasi women

Stung by angry protests from activists of human rights groups, women and dalit organisations, a criminal case was registered on Tuesday against the special party police in connection with the alleged rape of four Khond Adivasi women in Baaluguda village of Munchingput mandal in Visakhapatnam district on January 22.

 

Based on a complaint from Baaluguda village secretary Ch Bhupathi, the police registered the case at Munchingput police station under section 376 of IPC as well as section 3 (12) of SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against the erring cops. Earlier, the police did not register a case when the villagers approached them. Instead, they told them only the victims could file a complaint.

 

Paderu revenue divisional officer Prasada Rao visited the village and conducted a 'secret' inquiry. Sources said he held a closed-door enquiry with two victims. When contacted, the RDO said he would submit a report to the higher officials. The government-appointed inquiry officer and Chintapally additional SP Syam Sundar merely said they could not proceed further as the victims have not complained about the incident.

 

The police served a notice on BSP leader Pangi Rajarao asking him to present evidences of the alleged rape. Meanwhile, former Chintapalli MLA G Demudu has criticised the attitude of the government, especially tribal welfare minister, for not reacting strongly to the heinous act of the police.

 

Meanwhile, the women and rights activists have demanded filing of criminal cases against the cops responsible for the alleged rape. They alleged that the police were trying to hush up the matter. They said the Greyhounds cops entered the houses of the four women after rounding up nine tribal men in the name of helping the Maoists and allegedly raped them. Six of the men were let off after bindover cases were registered, while criminal cases were booked against three others and remanded to judicial custody.

 

"Even five days after the heinous crime was committed by the policemen, no criminal case has been registered and the police did not conduct investigation either," K Padma of Mahila Chetana group said.

 

Sources said 50 Greyhounds cops along with Munchingput SI Keshav Rao swooped on the village in the early hours of Jan 22. The activists said though the district SP had appointed the Chintapalli ASP to enquire into the allegations, the ASP did not bother to visit the village and speak with the victims. "The local police are threatening the tribals with dire consequences if they speak out," K Venkata Ramana of a tribal welfare association said.

 

The activists are askance as to why no witness examination, collection of circumstantial evidence, medical and laboratory examination and identification parade have been taken up till now. It may be recalled that 11 Khond women were allegedly raped by the Greyhounds personnel on August 20, 2007, in Vakapally village in Vizag Agency and the National ST Commission had recommended in December 2007 to the AP government that the case be handed over to the CBI.

 

Study reveals migration of Adivasi has increased from forests; even the forest cover was not altered

              A recent study by a group of researchers has revealed that the migration of tribals from the forested parts of eastern Gujarat has increased, even from those places, where the forest cover was not altered.

 

            The study said a section of tribal youths has reduced their dependence on the forests and prefer migrating to the cities. The research was carried out by experts in social sciences and scientific studies and conducted with the help of the Gujarat state and the Centre.

 

            The findings were made public at a national workshop entitled “Changing behaviour of forests and its impact on the livelihood of tribals in eastern Gujarat”, organized by the Vadodara-based think tank, Centre for Culture and Development (CCD).
 

            The findings showed that from areas where the forest cover remained unchanged since 1971 to 2001, migration doubled to 37.69 %.

 

            “It appears that in recent times, the tribals are not as dependent for their livelihood entirely on the forests or forest products. They also depend on alternative sources of livelihood such as dairy farming, horticulture, and agriculture.”

 

            This observation has to be seen in light of the continued alienation of tribals from the forests that had no way out except migrating seasonally, temporarily and permanently in search of livelihood,” the researchers said. The study was conducted with the help of satellite imagery and census reports provided by the state and the Centre.

 

            The study further showed disparity between the census data from 1971 and 2001 and satellite imagery data from the years 1972, 1990 and 2007. “According to the 1971 census, there was 9.89 % forest cover of the total study area (eastern Gujarat) and the same had increased to 11.75 % in the 2001 census.  As per the latest Working Plan (of the state government), the forest area cover in Gujarat is 11.83 %.  The 1972 satellite imagery shows 21.33 % area under forest cover compared to 17.17 % in 2000.

 

            The 1990 imagery shows 14 %, while the 2007 imagery shows 16.18 % forest cover of the total study area, the findings revealed.

 

            The experts headed by the director of CCD, Dr Lancey Lobo further said that forest area decreased by 1 % in anticipation of claims on land to be made under the Forest Rights Act of 2006 between the period 2000 and 2007.

 

News Source: Indianexpress, 14 January 2010

Vedanta’s Killer Chimney at Korba, Chhattisgarh

CBALCO, a part of Vedanta Resources — a London-listed metals and mining major with operations in UK, India and Australia — is a leading global player in metals particularly making aluminium.  Vedanta Resources has principal operations in India, Zambia and Australia. It is registered at London Stock Exchange (LSE) and also India’s largest non-ferrous metals and mining company. It has its Head Office located at 6 Berkeley Street, London, W1J 8DZ, United Kingdom.

 

Indian born Anil Agarwal is the non Executive Chairman of Bharat Aluminum Company Limited (Balco) is set to become the largest aluminium producer in the world from a single location as it signed a pact with the Chhattisgarh government to set up a new smelter plant with an investment of Rs 80 billion ($ 2 billion).  The proposed plant with a capacity of 6,50,000 tonnes per annum (tpa) is under construction at its existing complex in Korba district, that will take the company's total aluminum output from 1,35,000 tpa to 1 million tpa – making it the largest aluminium producer in the world from a single location.

 

A Memorandum of Understanding was signed by Additional Chief Secretary (Industries) P. Joy Oommen on behalf of the Chhattisgarh government and Balco's chief executive officer Pramod Suri, in presence of Chief Minister Raman Singh and Vedanta chairman Anil Agrawal and few others at a function at Raipur on October 7, 2006 for a coal based 1,200 MW power plant —having four units of 300 MW each, at an investment of Rs 5,000 Crores.

 

It was stated by the company official that they estimate the complete construction of power plant within 40 months, once all the regulatory and statutory approvals are received. It was also stated that the aim is to commission the power plant by the time its smelter plants are ready for production, in order to support the expansion process of setting up a 3.5 lakh MT per annum aluminum smelter plant at its site in Korba to take the total production capacity to 9 lakh MT per annum by 2011.

 

BALCO awarded the contract for the construction of the 3 x 400 = 1,200 MW power plant to a Chinese firm which is known as Shandong Electric Power Construction Corporation (SEPCO),— which, in turn, sub-contracted the work of construction of 275 meter high two chimneys to New Delhi based Indian company known as Gannon Dunkerley & Company Limited (GDCL).

 

Contrary to the company statement after signing the MoU with the state government of Chhattisgarh, even without possessing the land or obtaining the required permission from the local municipal corporation, the company started construction of the power plant on the encroached land, which is owned by the state forest department. While Chinese engineers and other staff were engaged in construction of power plant’s boiler and other constructions, they also supervised the construction of the Chimney that was being done by GDCL.

 

In May-June 2005, the Minister of Revenue, Nanki Ram Kanwar a resident of Korba and a local MLA ordered an enquiry based on reports of encroachment of around 1,000 acres of land by BALCO. On February 17, 2005, an eleven-member committee headed by the Naib Tehsildar and supervised by the Superintendent of Land Records, submits its report. The report gives clear finds on BALCO having encroached 1,000 acres of land in complete violation of the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980. The report also highlighted that about 50,000 trees have been cut by the BALCO management. This is where the expansion of the present plant of BALCO has taken place. Matter went to the High Court but much to the relief of Balco, files pertaining to the alleged encroached land is reportedly missing.

 

In the second week of February, 2009 Minister for Revenue, Government of Chhattisgarh, Amar Agrawal in his written reply to a question by Leader of Opposition Ravindra Choubey, stated in the Chhattisgarh State Assembly, that Bharat Aluminum Company Ltd had encroached 1,036.52 acres of government land in Korba. He also told the house “The state government had registered 10 cases against the company in Korba between June 17, 2005 and June 28, 2005 under various sections of the land revenue code,” He also stated that BALCO had even started building chimneys and other structures for its proposed 1,200 MW thermal power plant at Korba on the encroached land.

 

"The company did not take permission from the Korba Municipal Corporation (KMC) for the second chimney and we had served notices for violating the norms," stated Lakhanlal Devangan, Mayor, Korba municipal Corporation (KMC). However, B.K.Srivastava, Chief of Corporate Communications do not agree to the same and stated to the press that "The construction was going on as per the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed with the state government and the company had all the necessary clearances,"

 

It is also important to note that just one week before the chimney collapsed, a notice was reportedly served by KMC to stop the work which BALCO ignored. Even a team of the KMC officials had reached the site and stopped the construction work before about a week of the collapse but BALCO allegedly started the work once again.

   

This exposes the fact that though BALCO is not even the owner of the land, has not even obtained the required mandatory permissions to construct the second 275 meter high chimney from the local municipal corporation, have ignored the notices. Even the stopped  work of the construction of Chimney by KMC authorities, BALCO went ahead with its construction plan immediately and the staff of the KMC went back. 

 

This illustrates beyond doubt that the motive of the BALCO is mischievous. Even when it was pointed out to them that the construction of Chimney is of substandard and without any permission, it also ignored the safety standards by going ahead with constructing a  giant Chimney of 275 meter high with diameter of 60 meter i.e. a vertical hollow structure of masonry, steel, or reinforced concrete, built to convey gaseous products of combustion from a building or process facility which caved in and collapsed after reaching a height of 253 meters, trapping many innocent workers within its cement concrete rubble on the afternoon of Wednesday, the September 23, 2009. The worst disaster of its type in the history of India had taken place at the encroached site.

 

What happened on the afternoon of September 23, 2009:

 

Wednesday, 23rd of September of 2009 was like any other day for the day shift workers engaged in the construction of the chimney. Most of those poor workers who worked hard day and night in shifts of 12 hours each for over 2 ½ (Two and half) months right from constructing from the Thirty five meters below the ground to a height of about 253 meters above the ground. They had no idea what so ever that what they are constructing their own grave in which they will be ultimately buried alive. Those poor workers that included many tribals, were hired from the Indian states of Bihar, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh by one P.N. Singh, who is the sub-contractor to GDCL.  Those poor labourers had come to Korba with dreams that they will earn enough money that could help them to support their families back home.  

 

It was raining heavily since afternoon; As such few others who were engaged in other works around the chimney had also taken shelter at the canteen and at three stores located closely to the base where the diameter of the chimney is 60 Meters. One hydra, a miller and three wrenches were also in operations. There were about 52 workers who were working at the top of 253 meters, few of whom had left just before five minutes. At that time about 180 persons were there in and near the base of the Chimney. All of a sudden, at about 3.40 PM, base of the chimney gave away. As per the eye witnesses, Chimney sunk in to the ground,soon within in few seconds chimney collapsed with huge sound split from one side burying many innocent workers within its rubble. Later, Korba police have registered a case on the charges of culpable homicide not amounting to murder and common intention — under Section 304, 34 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), against BALCO

 

Irresponsible Corporate Behaviors of BALCO and its contractor companies

 

In such a massive tragedy,  BALCO, its contractor Chinese company SEPCO and Indian company GDCL are expected to behave as responsible corporate citizens but instead, demonstrated how inhuman and irresponsible they can be. No one was available to tell or produce from official records to how many workers are trapped and their names etc.  Tempers of the workers present at the accident site were already high. Fuel to the fire was added when they saw the record room of GDCL near the collapsed chimney was destroyed.

 

Pravin Patel
 
 
 

HOW DID MADHU KODA BECOME A BILLIONARE FROM BEING A SIMPLE LABOURER?

Once the most visited address of Ranchi, the residence of the ex-chief minister, Madhu Koda, in the Jharkhand capital now stands sealed.

 

On Wednesday, two note counting machines were recovered from Koda'a residence and it was also revealed that his Chartered Accountant's personal computer has been reformatted, leading to a loss of possible evidence.

 

Soon after, the Income Tax department sealed his house. Koda admitted during his interrogation that he stashed away Rs 375 crore in various Swiss bank accounts. The net worth of his Hawala trail is suspected to be close to Rs 2,000 crore.

 

Meanwhile, documents submitted in the Ranchi High Court – allegedly giving details of Koda'a various benami investments – threw up some interesting names, including the name of the Mumbai Congress Chief, Kripashankar Singh and former railway minister and RJD leader, Lalu Prasad.

 

The petitioner's lawyer, Rajiv Kumar says, "The Income Tax department has raided the places according to the information that we have in the documents with us.

 

The people mentioned are those who played an important role in the formation of the government in the state of Jharkhand. These documents were recovered from Madhu Koda's close associates, Binod Sinha and Sanjay Chaudhary.

 

Questions are also being raised over Arjun Munda's involvement in the scam now. Munda was the chief minister when Koda was made the mines minister in the state.

 

The ED is now trying to tie all loose ends of the case and has summoned Koda and seven of his associates.

 

Koda who is still in a Ranchi hospital, citing ill health, is being regularly monitored with the investigators asking doctors to provide regular updates on his health. The message is clear – a stomach ailment wont be able to save the ex-chief minister of Jharkhand from facing the music for long.

 

HOW DID MADHU KODA BECOME A BILLIONARE FROM BEING A SIMPLE LABOURER IN JHARKHAND?

 

 Koda allegedly played with huge sums of money to increase his empire not only in India but all over the world.

 

It all began in Ranchi where Koda is accused of having made at least Rs 300 crore through illegal dealings. His father lives in a thatched house in a village but Koda has investments in property in Ranchi itself to the tune of Rs 200 crore.

 

200 kms away in Jamshedpur, his friend Binod Sinha was making investments in sponge iron mills worth Rs 18 crore and rolling mills worth Rs 13 crore. Investigators say all this was done with Koda's money.

 

In Uttar Pradesh, Koda allegedly found a novel way of converting black money into white – by investing in government schemes. Investigators allege that Rs 600 crore is what was pumped into the Rajiv Gandhi electrification project in the state of UP.

 

Mumbai was fanning Koda's dreams as well. This was allegedly his preferred destination for investments. With alleged help of a private firm named Balaji Bullion and retailers, Koda's aides managed to invest huge sums in stock markets, property and real estate in various parts of the city.

 

From Mumbai, Koda's empire allegedly fanned out internationally to several parts of the world. In Dubai – with the help of Abdul Bhai – almost Rs 1000 crore has allegedly been invested in shopping malls and real estate.

 

In Thailand, investments and joint ventures were allegedly made in hotels and casinos to the tune of Rs 500 crore.

 

In Liberia, Koda – then mines minister in Jharkhand – was allegedly busy building his own mines worth Rs 900 crore.

 

Source: ibnlive.in.com

The People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCPA) – A Naxal Outfit hold Rajdhani Express hostage for more than 4 hours at the Banstala Halt station, near Jhargram station close to the Antapani jungle in Bengal

A New Delhi-bound Bhubaneswar Rajdhani Express was released from Maoist clutches by security forces Tuesday evening, after rebels held it and its 667 passengers hostage for over four hours in West Midnapore district. All passengers are safe, the union government said.

 

Demanding withdrawal of the joint security forces and release of some of their arrested leaders, around 500 members of the Maoist-backed People's Committee against Police Atrocities (PCAPA) held up the 2443A UP Express train by squatting on the tracks and forced out the drivers around 2.45 p.m. at the Banstala Halt station, near Jhargram station close to the Antapani jungle.

 

Jhargram is 155 km from Kolkata by train. After several tension-filled hours, that saw a police team rushing to the spot ambushed by the Left wing rebels, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) troopers and state policemen finally took over the train around 7 p.m.

 

Home Minister P. Chidambaram announced the end of the security operation in New Delhi. "The CRPF and the state police have reached the spot and the train has been secured," Chidambaram told reporters. "The relief train will move in the next few minutes. The train is safe and all the passengers are safe," he said. Chidambaram denied reports that there was any exchange of fire with the guerrillas. "I would like the media to show some restraint. Don't report rumours. A civilian driver has been injured. There was no exchange of fire. No CRPF person has been injured," he said.

 

State Director General of Police Bhupinder Singh told in Kolkata: "My men have reached there. They have entered the train. There is no sign of the Maoists now".

 

The drama started soon after the train left the Jhargram station. "A group of men stood on the railway tracks and stopped the train. They asked all of us in the driver's cabin to get down and wait near the engine. They did not beat us up, but asked us not to run the train till they gave the green signal," said K. Govind Rao, the assistant driver of the New Delhi-bound Bhubaneswar Rajdhani Express.

 

The PCAPA has called an indefinite shutdown in West Midnapore district form Tuesday in support of its 33-point charter of demands. "There were 667 passengers in the train," a railway spokesman said.

 

Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee said some of the passengers were injured by brickbats hurled by the agitators who held up the train.

 

Chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, who was in constant touch with Chidambaram and his counterpart in Orissa, said a police force, which started off for the spot, was ambushed and one police driver injured by the Maoists.

 

"But we told the police party they have to reach the spot anyhow," Bhattacharjee said.

 

To another query, the chief minister said: "The PCAPA may have stopped the train, but later on it was the Maoists who controlled the situation".

 

Earlier, PCAPA spokesman Santosh Patra, speaking from an undisclosed location, told a private television channel that the driver has been kept confined "among our people" at the incident spot itself.

 

"More than 5,000 PCAPA supporters are there. We have called a shutdown from Tuesday. How can we allow the trains to ply? The railway minister (Mamata Banerjee) should intervene to ensure that security personnel do not fire on our supporters. Also, our supporters should not be tortured by the security forces on the ruse of flushing out Maoists," Patra said.

 

Communist Party of India – Maoist (CPI-Maoist) leader Koteswar Rao alias Kishenjee also demanded the release of PCAPA leader Chhattradhar Mahato and alleged that the situation took a serious turn as the police fired on the PCAPA activists.

 

Tuesday's incidence is the latest instance of stepped-up Maoist activity in the tribal areas of central and eastern India. In recent days, the Left-wing extremists have attacked police stations and killed cops, even as the central government was considering a major offensive to crush them.

 

Oct 27th, 2009 at 21:26 pm IST – IANS

 

 

30 Adivasi languages on verge of extinction

Education gradually turns inaccessible for the Adivasi people as the languages they speak are on the verge of extinction due mainly to a lack of practice.

 

Of the 30 existing Adivasi languages, at least seven have so far become endangered. Reduction in population in respective community and neglect by successive governments worsened the situation.

 

Researchers recommend launch of a separate education system at least at primary level for the indigenous people in their mother tongue to save the languages. If taken, the move would also be the first step to save the literature and culture of these communities, they believe.

 

So far, Khumi, Khiyang and Pankho languages have become endangered as users of each language reduced to less than 2,000. On the other hand, Kuruk, Koch, Patra and Hajong languages are likely to be endangered as their use has been alarmingly dropped.

 

When the government launches "education for all by 2015" campaign, 33 percent of the total 50 percent dropouts of Adivasi primary students occurs due to language problems.

 

Different agreements like the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord and the Constitution conferring the right to study in mother tongue could not change the scenario.

 

"If the government really wants development of the Adivasi people, they must protect their languages and ensure education in their mother tongue," says eminent linguist Prof Abul Kalam Manzur Morshed.

 

"The state should take the responsibility so that the indigenous people get education in their mother tongue at least at primary level. Otherwise, the 'education for all' campaign cannot be successful," comments Shourav Sikder, chairman of the Department of Linguistics, Dhaka University.

 

In neighbouring Tripura of India, the indigenous people study in mother tongue till higher secondary level.

 

Successive governments ignored the demands of the Adivasi people to introduce primary education in their mother tongue and thus drew flak from the experts and educationists.

 

Even the government agencies concerned do not know the exact number of indigenous languages spoken in the country.

 

"Our predecessors did not concentrate on the population issue. I'll try to bring up the current standard of literature, language and culture of the indigenous people," says State Minister for Culture Promod Mankin.

 

He adds a national Adivasi cultural academy would be formed besides necessary expansion of current Adivasi cultural centres for research and practice of their literature and languages.

 

Though the indigenous people have no alternative to using Bangla for education the government even does not have any programme to teach them the state language.

 

But the Adivasi people are keen to learn Bangla.

 

The government institutions pin the blame on each others showing lack of infrastructure in initiating any efforts in this regard. They however say any initiative taken by the Adivasi people to protect their language would be welcomed.

 

ENDANGERED LANGUAGES

 

Kuruk, the language of Orao ethnic community, is an example of Adivasi language getting extinct over the years.

 

Research shows just three generations earlier the language was widely used and practised by about 80,000 Oraos.

 

In course of time the population reduced to only around 20,000 from a population of 2 lakh. Most of the Oraos now even don't understand Kuruk properly and cannot communicate smoothly using the language.

 

Khumi, Khiyang and Pankho languages have also become endangered as population of each of these indigenous communities has reduced to less than 2,000.

 

Languages of Koch, Patra and Hajong are in no better situation as their use has dropped over the years.

 

Among the 30 indigenous languages only Chakma and Marma have their own alphabets, while 12 indigenous communities have adopted Roman alphabet for their use.

 

Some other indigenous communities, especially the 2 lakh people living in Rajshahi, use a language called "Sadri" adopting alphabets from Hindi, Bangla, Urdu and other Adivasi languages.

 

"Each community has their own literature in spoken forms and they have poetry, songs and fairy tales. The forms of literature will be lost unless the communities are given education in their mother tongue," Shourav Sikder observes.

 

The Ministry of Cultural Affairs and Bangla Academy deny responsibility of conducting any research or census on Adivasi languages showing lack of workforce, infrastructure and fund crisis.

 

EDUCATION

 

According to a survey conducted by the Research Development Collective in association with Brac, only 1.3 percent Adivasi people — especially from larger communities including Chakma, Mahato, Santal and Garo — complete graduation, while statistics show the rate of completing master's degree and above is nil.

 

The survey also shows only 2.3 percent indigenous people complete higher secondary education, while 11 percent pass secondary school certificate exams.

 

The survey was conducted on 10 indigenous communities across the country both on plain land and in the hills.

 

In CHT the condition of Mro people is the worst as they have only 15.5 percent enrolment at primary schools with only 2.7 percent girls.

 

"There are places where 100 percent people are illiterate. With limited resources this is the best we can do," said Prof Mesbah Kamal, who conducted the study in 2004.

 

Poverty, lack of opportunity to study in mother tongue, absence of indigenous teachers, inadequate number of institutions, schools at distant places, worst communications, involvement of children in economic activities, and lack of awareness about important of education are the reasons behind dropouts.

 

Experts suggest introduction of a multilingual education system to make it possible for the Adivasi children to face the challenges. They also recommend special government census on sociocultural and education status of the Adivasi people, separate academic calendar and setting up of a residential education system.

 

Arranging education in mother tongue would not be a tough job for the government as the work is being carried out largely by different donor organisations and non-government agencies.

 

Different NGOs and donors organisations including Oxfam, Danida and Action Aid have about 800 elementary and primary institutions for Adivasi children across the country in their mother tongue.

 

Apart from this, Brac also runs about 1,600 schools for indigenous education in the country. There are also 500 missionary schools offering education for the Adivasi children in their mother tongue.

 

Sunday, October 18, 2009 / The Daily Star, Bangladesh

Five women stripped, paraded naked in Jharkhand

Five women were stripped and paraded naked in Deoghar district of Jharkhand after being charged of witchcraft, police said on Monday.

 

Five women, including three widows, were forcibly brought to a field Sunday in Patharghatia village in Deoghar, about 350 km from state capital Ranchi. They were stripped and paraded naked and two of them were forced to eat excreta, police said.

 

"Sushila Kumahrin, Sagiran Beebi, Hafijan Beebi, Sujan Beebi and Gulnar Beebi were tortured to accept that they were witches and practise black magic. The incident took place at the instruction of a witch doctor. The witch doctor said that these women were practising black magic and were causing problems in the village," a police officer said.

 

The women were rescued when local government officials and police reached the spot. However, the perpetrators managed to escape.

 

According to reports, hundreds of people witnessed the incident.

 

"We have lodged an FIR (First Information Report) against 11 people, including six women. We will soon arrest the perpetrators," the officer added.

 

Majority of perpetrators were Muslims and four of the five victims belonged to the same community.

 

In Jharkhand, women are subjected to different forms of torture after being branded witches. There are instances when women have been paraded naked, forced to eat human excreta and even killed.

 

According to official data, more than 700 people, majority of them women, were killed after being branded witches. The witch doctors manage to escape as people fear black magic if they are named.

 

HT / 19 Oct

Jharkhand ministers broken record in corruption and booked in Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA)

A case was registered against former Jharkhand chief minister Madhu Koda today by the Enforcement Directorate for alleged money laundering, diversion of state funds and making huge illegal investments abroad including purchase of mines in Liberia.

 

The 38-year-old Koda, who may face arrest also, is the first chief minister and high-profile politician to have been booked under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) along with eight others including three of his cabinet colleagues.

 

The ED filed a Enforcement Case Information Report (equivalent to a FIR) before the Prevention of Money Laundering Act court in Ranchi against Koda, his cabinet colleagues Kamlesh Singh, Bhanu Pratap Shahi and Bhandu Tirkey besides five others.

 

According to the ECIR, Koda is alleged to have purchased mines in Liberia worth USD 17 lakh (Rs 8.5 crore) besides making other 'benami' purchases in the name of his close confidant Binod Sinha, once a tractor mechanic.

 

As per the ECIR, the properties in the name of Sinha runs into several hundred crores of rupees.

 

One time close associate of RSS, Koda shot to fame after he clinched a political coupe with Congress' support by becoming chief minister of the mineral rich state in 2006 as an independent MLA, the third politician in the country to achieve this feat.

 

The ministers including Koda, Chief Minister between February 2006 and August 2008, have been accused of amassing properties worth hundreds of crores including those in places like UAE, Thailand, Indonesia, Singapore and Liberia.

 

As per the declaration given by the three ministers individually, nobody had bank deposits more than Rs 1.9 lakh or immovable property worth over Rs 1.15 lakh.

 

The ED was looking into details of real wealth of the accused ministers and it will also attach all the properties identified. Under the PMLA, the onus of proof is on the accused rather than the agency.

 

Efforts to get in touch with Koda did not fructify as his mobile phone was switched off and no one answered phone calls at his residence.

 

Two other cabinet colleagues of Koda have already been booked by the ED for alleged money laundering, foreign exchange violations and forgery. The ED swung into action after Jharkhand vigilance department lodged a complaint and recently searched the homes of Hari Narayan Rai — former town development and tourism minister — and Enos Ekka — rural development minister — besides that of Koda.

 

ED officials claimed they had come across documents suggesting that the former ministers had amassed huge wealth including mines, real estate firms and properties in Hong Kong, Thailand and some other countries.

 

The vigilance court had then directed the department to file the charges when it heard a petition by Vinod Kumar, a resident of Jharkhand's Deoghar district.

 

Kamlesh Singh was Minister of Water Resources, Excise, Civil and Food Supplies Department while Shahi was the Minister of Health and Labour and Tirkey was in-charge of Human Resource Development and Sport and Culture Department.

 

 

New Delhi | Oct 09, 2009 / Outlook India

Naxal beheaded a Jharkhand police officer

Maoists have beheaded Jharkhand police inspector Francis Induwar, who had been kidnapped by the ultras a week back reportedly demanding release of three arrested Naxalites including Kobad Ghandy in exchange for the officer, an act termed as unacceptable by the Centre today. The body along with the severed head of 37-year-old Induwar, who worked in intelligence wing of the state police, was found near Raisha Ghati under Namkom police station area, about 12 km from here, Superintendent of Police (Ranchi Rural), Hemant Toppo, said.

 

Induwar, who is survived by his wife and three sons, had been kidnapped on September 30 by the Maoists from Hembrom Bazaar in Khunti district, about 70 km from here. The Maoists later reportedly demanded release of three rebels — Ghandy, Chhatardhar Mahato and Bhushan Yadav — in exchange for the officer.

 

PTI / 06 Oct. 09 

 

A Jharkhand police officer, who had been abducted by Maoist guerrillas and was sought to be swapped for three of their leaders, including Kobad Ghandy, was found with his throat slit on the Ranchi-Jamshedpur highway Tuesday morning.

 

Francis Induwar, who worked as an intelligence official in the Special Branch, had been kidnapped five days ago. The Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) left a pamphlet claiming the killing, a police official said. "Francis has been awarded death to protest the police repression," stated the pamphlet by the outlawed group.

 

"The body of the official was found near Taimara valley situated on the Ranchi-Jamshedpur highway on Tuesday morning. The body has been identified and sent for postmortem. Maoists killed him by slitting his throat," said R K Mallik, the deputy inspector general of police, Ranchi range. "This is an act of cowardice of Maoist rebels who killed a police officer who was posted in the Specials Branch," Mallik said.

 

Indwar was abducted September 30 evening from the Hembrum market in Khuti district, about 65 km from here, where he had gone to collect information from a contact. On Saturday, a person claiming to be 'Samarji', secretary of the Maoist South Chotanagpur Committee of Jharkhand, put forward the conditions for releasing Induwar.

 

"The abducted police inspector of intelligence department is in our possession. He is safe. He will be released after the arrested leaders – Kobad Ghandy, Chatradhar Mahto and Bhushan Yadav – are released," local newspapers had quoted Samarji as saying. "Do not torture relatives of Kundan Pahan and other people, otherwise we will abduct family members of government officials," it went on to say. Police suspect the role of the Kundan Pahan group in the killing. It is active in the border areas of Ranchi, Khuti and Jamshedpur.

 

Indo-Asian News Service / Ranchi, October 06, 2009

Gunfire stalls pilot project tenders in red bastion

Gunshots shattered peace — and vehicle windscreens — in the “secure” confines of the SP’s office in Palamau today, scuttling the tender process for pilot road projects in the rebel stronghold under Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY).

 

Garhwa SP Saket Kumar Singh, who holds additional charge of Palamau, said the firing was fallout of bidding rivalry. He said two miscreants — Jyoti Rajvanshi and Surya Prakash Dubey — were arrested after a 10km chase. Both owe allegiance to tender mafia boss Dablu Singh.

 

The rival groups of Dablu Singh and Vikas Dubey are active in Palamau and neighbouring Chatra district. Though Singh and Dubey are behind bars in Garhwa and Palamau jails, respectively, there gang members rule the roost. “Here in Palamau, crime revolves around tender management. There are goons who manage tenders for contractors against hefty amounts,” the SP said.

 

Around 1pm today, engineers of the rural works department’s Daltonganj division were selling bid papers in the presence of a magistrate and amid tight security when gunshots were heard. “The miscreants fired a couple of shots in the air, triggering chaos inside the SP’s office. Though only window glasses of two parked vehicles cracked under the impact, everyone panicked and the tender process had to be shelved,” said an assistant engineer entrusted with the task of selling the bid papers.

 

Not a single bid document was purchased for any of the four road packages (each may include for than one project) to be executed under the Centre-sponsored scheme, perceived as a tool to stem Left-wing-extremism in the twin districts of Palamau and Chatra. However, bid papers for another 11 packages that do not fall under the pilot project were sold in good quantity — 34 to be precise — before the melee.

 

Money involved in these rural road projects is huge. While the estimated cost of the 11 packages is Rs 44 crore, the four pilot packages are worth Rs 8 crore.

 

Fear of the gun is not unwarranted in Palamau. “We cannot think of selling tender papers in our offices. We take the help of police and administration. Selling documents in our offices mean facing the consequences because disgruntled contractors will hire the services of the tender mafia to scare away others,” said rural works executive engineer Madan Mohan Jha.

 

While the incident triggered panic in the area in the afternoon, engineer-in-chief of state rural works department Jaiprakash was unaware of the development till 6 pm. “I am not aware of any such incident. Let me find out,” he said when confronted with questions on safe execution of the pilot projects.

 

The tenders for the pilot road packages are to be opened and finalised on October 3 in Ranchi headquarters of the rural works department.

 

October 1, 2009 / Telegraph

Wild tuskers raid Chaibasa village

Villagers of Badamodi in Chaibasa woke up to receive the unexpected guests, who landed as a delegation at their doorstep. 
 

A herd of 18 elephants including three baby elephants descended on the farms of Badamodi village under Manjhari police station south of Chaibasa in West Singhbhum district, known for rich minerals and dense Saranda forest.

 

The villagers found that the elephants, which came down from the forest, enjoying the lush green fields, and immediately informed the local forest office. Forest personnel, who rushed to the site, heaved a sigh of relief when they realized that the elephants didn't caused any damage.

 

"It is a common phenomenon during this time of the year as elephants cross the boundaries of Saranda forest. However, they do not caused damage the surroundings unless they are confronted," DFO (South Chaibasa) K K Tiwary said.

 

The forest officer also said there was nothing to panic as forest personnel in cooperation with locals were engaged in guiding the herd back to the forest. "It'll take some time, probably next 24 hours or so, to push the herd back to the forest," Tiwary said.

 

Tiwary also said torch lights and other traditional methods would be used to chase away the elephants.

 

TNN, 14 September 2009

SAIL likely to ban three Chinese companies

Steel Authority of India (SAIL) is considering a ban on some Chinese contractors in its future projects after its poor experience with these companies, two people familiar with the development said.

 

India’s largest steel producer has seen delays in project implementation and cost overruns after it invited three Chinese companies—CISRI, Dalian Huarui and Beijing Sino Steel—in the expansion projects of its offshoot, IISCO Steel Plant.

 

The board will soon take up the issue and may “blacklist such defaulting Chinese firms”, a steel ministry official said, requesting anonymity. The government-owned firm is under the administrative control of the steel ministry.

 

According to a SAIL executive, the Chinese companies delayed commissioning of their respective projects by around 12 months on “flimsy grounds”. “Besides, communication has been a big problem with them,” the executive, who wished not to be named, said.

 

SAIL is investing more than Rs 60,000 crore in expanding its hot metal capacity from 14.6 million tonne to 23.5 million tonne by 2012.

 

“Working with Chinese contractors had been a learning experience for us and we would not like face the same problem in any other projects,” the SAIL executive added.

 

While there may not be a blanket ban on Chinese firms in any of SAIL’s modernisation and expansion projects, the company may device a mechanism to blacklist inefficient contractors from that country. “The SAIL board may ask for a performance report of existing expansion projects and take a decision based on it,” the official said.

 

SAIL is under pressure from the government to complete its expansion projects by 2012.

 

However, “Chinese contractors have played spoilsport resulting in numerous delays in the expansion of Burnpur-based IISCO unit. This has forced us to think whether to restrict the participation of Chinese contractors”, the SAIL executive said.

 

SAIL’s woes with Chinese contractors comes close on heels of similar problems faced by several power projects that have ordered equipment from companies from that country.

 

Indeed, only last year, the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) had conducted an audit of Chinese power equipment and raised several questions over their reliability.

 

12 Sep 2009, ET Bureau

National Highway 33 (Ranchi-Hazaribagh) diversion route opens to traffic

The temporary diversion on the right side of National Highway (NH-33) near Lohagate in Ramgarh district that had caved in due to an underground fire became operational on Sunday.

 

The diversion was, however, opened to light and medium vehicles only on Monday. Heavy vehicles will have to follow the longer route until a permanent diversion is created.

 

According to Central Coalfields Limited (CCL), which built the diversion, this temporary route will once again reduce the distance between Ranchi and Patna by about 40 km. After the highway cave-in on August 9, all vehicles were diverted through Charahi and Ghato, thereby increasing the distance between Ranchi and Patna.

 

The coal company has also managed to control the underground fire on and along the NH by pushing in water and chemicals by drilling holes. The temperature in the fire zone, which had risen to 170 degree Celsius, has come down to 76 degree Celsius.

 

CCL deputy chief public relations manager, M N Jha, said though the company was not responsible for the damage or maintenance of the highway, work was done at the request of the state government. "We have spent over Rs 1.11 crore on controlling the fire in the last two months as a responsible corporate citizen. The company has spent around Rs 27 lakh on the payment of engineers and over Rs 3.5 lakh on scientific assistance. We will continue to work for society," said Jha.

 

CCL has also suggested that the government mine all coal under the NH so that illegal mining stops for ever. "There are too many rat holes along and under the highway that are known only to locals. Therefore, it is suggested that all the coal is excavated to put an end to chances of fire in future," said Jha.

 

The Bapira and Phusri bridges on the Charahi-Ghato-Nayamore route are under repair by the state road construction department, which has agreed in principle to share the cost of the emergency repair of the bridges.

 

TNN 30 September 2009

Koderma-Hazaribag-Barkakana-Ranchi Rail construction hits funds hurdle

The ongoing construction work of the Koderma-Hazaribag-Barkakana-Ranchi railway line connecting Hazaribag town with the railway link may be stopped due to the acute shortage of funds.

 

According to details available, the crisis was created by the Jharkhand government for non-release of the sum promised by it when the project was launched about nine years ago.

 

The report said due to the delay in completing the project by 2007-'08 as scheduled, the cost of the project escalated to over Rs 2,000 crore and one cannot say when the fund will be provided to complete the pending work by the revised target of March 2010 between Koderma and Pipradih and up to Hazaribag by the end of 2010.

 

This schedule was given to the commissioner of North Chhotonagpur division, A K Pandey, at a meeting held between the ECR officials and the deputy commissioners of Hazaribag, Koderma, Chatra and Ramgarh districts in the first week of July here.

 

There, Pandey conveyed the government's decision that full protection would be given to the railway contractors against in the wake of threat from Maoists and others. The government accordingly deployed two battatlions of IRB to maintain vigil at the construction site. Plus, all the SPs of the above-mentioned districts also provided security to the contractors and work was progressing smoothly. The commissioner told reporters later that whatever land was required by the railways for this project has been acquired and possession given to it accordingly.

 

Now, following the problem of fund shortage, the ECR top brass has apprised government officials in Ranchi of this. As per the agreement between the government and the railway ministry, two-third cost of this project will be provided by the state government and the rest by the Centre and, on that basis, construction work started when Marandi was the chief minister.

 

Though his government fulfilled the promises, subsequent governments did not release any money, resulting in work slowing down considerably.

 

However, according to official reports, the government released Rs 5 crore on Thursday and promised to pay another Rs 250 crore after getting it approved by Parliament.

 

TNN 2 October 2009 / TNN

Special anti-Naxal commando (COBRA) force from October 2009

Crossing over boundaries of the State by armed members of the outlawed CPI (Maoist) will no longer be easy. From October, activities of Maoists operating in Bihar and Jharkhand will be under surveillance of the special anti-Naxal commando force, Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA).

 

The Central government decided to raise this dedicated battalion nearly two years ago to tackle Naxals. Currently, its first batch of commandos is undergoing training in various parts of the country. After training, which is likely to end by September 30, they will be deployed in four worst Naxal-hit states, including Bihar.

 

Sources said that initially one battalion of CoBRA, which has been raised on the pattern of Andhra Pradesh’s Greyhounds, will be stationed at Gaya to check influx of Left wing extremists from Jharkhand into Bihar and vice-versa.

 

“The land for the battalion’s base in Gaya has been acquired," said a senior police official. “Gaya has been selected as its base as it is a Naxal-hit area and provides a safe passage to Maoists to criss-cross the two neighbouring states, Jharkhand and Bihar. The base would start full-fledged operations by the end of this fiscal,” he said.

 

While the headquarters of CoBRA battalions in Bihar will be at Gaya, the elite force would monitor its operations in Jharkhand from its Hazaribagh base.  

 

At present, the Bihar police have to depend either on the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) or Special Task Force (STF) to carry out operations in 16 Naxal-affected districts in the State. “Efforts are on to raise 10 more units of the STF for the purpose,” the police official said.

 

The Ministry of Home Affairs has outlined the Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) for deployment of CoBRA under its Action Plan II.

 

HT / September 14, 2009

 

Ranchi City Hospital and Nursing homes

Anjuman Islamia Hospital

Near Ratan Cinema , Ranchi

Tel : 2312524 

Apollo Hospitals Group

Irba, Ranchi

Tel : 2275717, 2275699, 2275786, 2275899 

Army Hospital

Namkum, Ranchi

Tel : 2520245 

Bharati Hospital (Main Hospital)

Kokar Chowk, H.B.Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2544133, 2544134 

Bharati Hospital (Clinic)

Anantpur, Overbridge, Ranchi

Tel : 2505333 

C.C.L. Hospital

Gandhi Nagar, Ranchi

Tel : 2314852 

Davis Institute of Psychiatric

Kanke, Ranchi

Tel : 2455360, 2455306 

Doranda State Hospital

Doranda, Ranchi

Tel : 2502663 

E. S. I. Hospital

Namkum, Ranchi

Tel : 2305368 

Government Vaccine Institute

Namkum, Ranchi

Tel : 2455813, 2455811 

H. E. C. Hospital

Dhurva, Ranchi

Tel : 2408525, 2408436 

Holi Family Hospital

Mander, Ranchi

Tel : 2745050 

Infectious Disease Hospital

Jail Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2315192 

Ispat Hospital

Mecon, Shyamali, Ranchi

Tel : 2503351, 2500229 

Itki T. B. Sanitorium

Itki Road, Ranchi

Tel : 277235, 277239 

Jeevan Lok Hospital

Hinoo, Ranchi

Tel : 2500522 

Kendriya Mental Asylum

Kanke, Ranchi

Tel : 2301022 

Mahadevi Birla T.B. Sanitorium

Mahilong, Tatisilwai, Ranchi

Tel : 2415823, 2415849 

Municipal Hospital

Ratu Road

Ranchi 

Nagarmal Modi Sewasadan

Sewasadan Path, Lake Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2207406, 2226105, 2229700, 2222911,
2209699 

Nath Hospital

Indra Bhawan, Kadru, Ranchi

Tel : 2301736 

Niramaya Hospital

Kokar, Ranchi

Tel : 2308296 

Raj Hospital

Main Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2306128, 2308098 

Rajender Medical College Hospital

Bariatu, Ranchi

Tel : 2302551, 2315628 

Ramakrishna Mission Tuberculosis Sanatorium

Ranchi

Tel : 2290135, 2290149

e-mail : rkmtbs@satyam.net.in 

Ranchi Mental Asylum

Kanke Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2455813 

S. D. A. Mission Hospital

Bootee Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2313932, 2305126 

Sadar Hospital

Main Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2312618, 2317882 

Sant Barnavas Hospital

Church Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2307430, 2307429 

Seventh Day Adventist Hospital

Booty Road, Bariyatu, Ranchi

Tel : 2315357 

Shirdi Sai Hospital & Research Center

Booty Road, Bariyatu, Ranchi

Tel : 2315357

Harmu Hospital and Research Centre

Harmu Housing Colony

Ranchi 834002 Ph No. 2242211, 6453068
Email : harmu_hospital@yahoo.com 

 

NURSING HOMES

Agrawal Nursing Home

Morabadi, Bariyatu Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2317124, 2542003 

Alam Nursing Home

Bootee Road, Bariyatu Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2304207, 2202207 

Bariatu Nursing Home

Bariatu Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2541316, 2541816 

Chhotanagpur Nursing Home

Karamtoli Chowk, Ranchi

Tel : 2200947 

Choudhari Nursing Home

Devi Mandap Road, Ratu Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2510754, 2200947 

Debuka Nursing Home

Vardhman Compound, Ranchi

Tel : 2200252 

Doranda Nursing Home

Doranda, Ranchi

Tel : 2500869 

Dr. Byohar Sinha Eye Clinic & Nursing Home

Nagra Toli, Ranchi

Tel : 2204306, 2310653 

E.N.T. Nursing Home

Bariatu, Ranchi

Tel : 2202620 

Gurunanak Polio Home

Bariatu, Ranchi

Tel : 2540563, 2313244 

Hargovind Nursing Home

Ratu Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2312691 

Hill View Nursing Home

Bariatu, Ranchi

Tel : 2202596, 2304173, 2317509 

Kashyap Eye Hospital

Puruliya Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2311588, 2306760 

Kesri Nursing Home

Piska more, Ratu Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2510555, 2510444 

Little Wood Nursing Home

Bootee Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2202871 

Popular Nursing Home

Ratu Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2203575, 2208024 

Prasad Nursing Home

Radium Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2309002 

Rama Nursing Home

Main Road, Ranchi

 Tel : 2207293 

Ranchi Nursing Home

Church Road, Ranchi 

Sahoo Nursing Home

Radium Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2316292 

Sanjeevni Nursing Home

Baxi Compound, Bariatu, Ranchi

Tel : 2540081 

Saxena Nursing Home

Kokar, Ranchi

Tel : 2200863 

Sinha Mental Health Centre

Sarovar Enclave, Kanke Road, Ranchi

Tel : 2311537, 2311519, 2206663 

U.K. Saran Nursing Home

Lalpur, Ranchi

Tel : 2204596

Naxals gunned down seven villagers in Ranchi and Latehar in Jharkhand

Within days of killing four people, including a minor girl in Ranchi's Bundu area on August 27, around 25 of them stormed into Pundidiri village under Tamar police station in Ranchi district around 10.30 pm on Sunday.

 

Villagers were fast asleep when the Maoists in uniform came to the village. They abducted five villagers from their houses and killed them outside the village, suspecting them to be supporters or workers of Jharkhand Liberation Tiger, a breakaway faction of the Maoists.

 

They knocked at the door of Subodh Paramanik (45), a petty contractor of NREGA, and took him away. "Only the sound of their footsteps rent the air as they moved around, knocking at the doors of their targeted enemies," said Mukul Munda, a villager.

 

The Maoists also took away Amit Patar and Sanju Patar, both in their thirties, Prahlad Sahu (35) and farmer Gaur Singh Munda (30) from their homes. With their hands tied, they were brought near a culvert and shot dead from point-blank range.

 

Incidentally, this was the same spot where deputy superintendent of police Pramod Kumar and five other policemen were killed in a landmine blast on June 30 last year. SSP Praveen Kumar, however, said the five killed were suspected to be police informers by the Maoists.

 

The rebels also killed Sajjad Khan and Dinesh Dusadh at Chutwag village in Latehar district on Monday afternoon. Superintendent of police Kuldeep Dwivedi said forces have been rushed to the dense forest area where the killings took place.

 

Maoist Mayhem

 

·         Sept 7: 5 villagers killed in Bundu area of Ranchi district

 

·         Sept 4: Barahatu police picket attacked; no casualty though

 

·         Aug 27: Four people, including a minor girl, killed in Bundu town

 

·         Aug 26: A villager killed and a cop injured in an attack on a CRPF camp at Nawadih in Bundu

 

·         Aug 25: Four vegetable-laden trucks set afire on NH-33 in Bundu

 

·         Aug 17: Maoists open fire on a jeep, kill a 6-year-old girl in Bundu

 

 

TNN September 08, 2009

Adivasi Communities in India: Development and Change

 
Text of the Vice President’s inaugural address to Seminar on Adivasi Communities in India
 

The Vice President of India Shri M. Hamid Ansari has said that the reality is unpalatable and the data speaks for itself. Compared to other sections of our society, the tribal population has the lowest Human Development Index. Delivering inaugural address at the International Seminar on “Adivasi/ST Communities in India: Development and Change” organized by the Institute for Human Development here today, he said that the literacy rate of the Schedule Tribes (STs) at 47.1 in the 2001 Census is far below the national literacy rate of 64.84. Tribal children suffer from high drop out rates and low female literacy. They also have high infant mortality rates and malnutrition as compared to other population groups.

 

He expressed his concern that STs suffer from geographical and social exclusion, high poverty rates and lack of access to appropriate administrative and judicial mechanisms. Low level of infra-structural endowments and growing gap in infrastructure creation in tribal areas, as compared to the rest of India, has further diminished prospects for progress. For the 85 million Scheduled Tribes in India, the struggle to retain their identities and seek empowerment through our Constitutional framework has not yielded commensurate outcomes.

 

The Vice President opined that the Forest Rights Act of 2006 represents an important step in attempting to reverse the marginalisation of our tribal people. It gives legislative teeth to the Constitutional provisions for protection and development of Scheduled Tribes, provides them a level playing field and casts tribal rights in a new matrix based on community control and customary access. It acknowledges the immense hardship caused to the Scheduled Tribes due to insecurity of tenurial and access rights and forced relocation due to State development interventions. Quick implementation of the provisions of this Act by various State Governments would go a long way in realising the vision of our Founding Fathers and ensuring that economic development and social progress is inclusive.

 

Following is the text of the Vice President’s inaugural address:

 

“It gives me great pleasure to inaugurate this international seminar organised by the Institute for Human Development. The choice of the theme is appropriate. It covers a range of issues of local, national and global importance relating to the well-being of Adivasi communities in India.

 

A look at recent history provides a perspective. The political, social and cultural heterogeneity of India was amply reflected in the deliberations of the Constituent Assembly. The Objectives Resolution was tabled by Jawaharlal Nehru in December 1946. It sought to secure social, economic and political justice, equality of status, of opportunity, and before the law to all the people and promised adequate safeguards for minorities, backward and tribal areas, and depressed and other backward classes. The contours of the debate were quantified by Jaipal Singh of Chotanagpur who, speaking on behalf of, as he put it, “millions of unknown hordes… unrecognised warriors of freedom, the original people of India who have variously been known as backward tribes, primitive tribes, criminal tribes and everything else”, supported the Resolution.

 

Jaipal Singh also gave vent to long standing grievances and articulated the problem candidly:

 

“If there is any group of Indian people that has been shabbily treated it is my people. They have been disgracefully treated, neglected for the last 6,000 years. This Resolution is not going to teach Adibasis democracy. You cannot teach democracy to the tribal people; you have to learn democratic ways from them. They are the most democratic people on earth. What my people require is not adequate safeguards… We do not ask for any special protection. We want to be treated like every other Indian….The whole history of my people is one of continuous exploitation and dispossession by the non-aboriginals of India punctuated by rebellions and disorder, and yet I take Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru at his word. I take you all at your word that now we are going to start a new chapter, a new chapter of Independent India where there is equality of opportunity, where no one would be neglected.”

 

Six decades later, a few questions need to be answered:

 

1. Has the experience of six decades been different from that of the earlier millennia and have Adivasis been treated with greater attention and justice?

 

2. Have Adivasis been afforded the equality of opportunity?

 

The reality is unpalatable and the data speaks for itself. Compared to other sections of our society, the tribal population has the lowest Human Development Index. The literacy rate of the STs at 47.1 in the 2001 Census is far below the national literacy rate of 64.84. Tribal children suffer from high drop out rates and low female literacy. They also have high infant mortality rates and malnutrition as compared to other population groups. They suffer from geographical and social exclusion, high poverty rates and lack of access to appropriate administrative and judicial mechanisms. Low level of infrastructural endowments and growing gap in infrastructure creation in tribal areas, as compared to the rest of India, has further diminished prospects for progress.

 

For the 85 million Scheduled Tribes in India, the struggle to retain their identities and seek empowerment through our Constitutional framework has not yielded commensurate outcomes. I therefore wish to highlight a few points for the consideration of this audience:

 

First, over 80 per cent of the Scheduled Tribes population works in the primary sector, with 45 per cent of them being cultivators and 37 per cent being agricultural labourers. Land thus represents the most important source of livelihood, emotional attachment and social stability in tribal communities. It is critical for cultivation horticulture, forestry and animal husbandry. The Draft National Tribal Policy testifies to it and notes that “alienation of tribal land is the single most important cause of pauperisation of tribals, rendering their vulnerable economic situation more precarious.”

 

The Forest Rights Act of 2006 represents an important step in attempting to reverse the marginalisation of our tribal people. It gives legislative teeth to the Constitutional provisions for protection and development of Scheduled Tribes, provides them a level playing field and casts tribal rights in a new matrix based on community control and customary access. It acknowledges the immense hardship caused to the Scheduled Tribes due to insecurity of tenurial and access rights and forced relocation due to State development interventions. Quick implementation of the provisions of this Act by various State Governments would go a long way in realising the vision of our Founding Fathers and ensuring that economic development and social progress is inclusive.

 

Second, the Constitution of India provides specific social, economic and political guarantees to the Scheduled Tribes. In the social dimension, these are covered under Articles 14, 15(4), 16(4), 16(4 A), 338 (A) and 339 (1). The economic provisions are covered under Article 46, 275(1) and 335. The political provisions are very elaborate and are spelt out in Article 244 and 5th and 6th Schedules of the Constitution, as also in Articles 330, 332, and 243 (D).

 

The extent to which the Constitutional provisions have been implemented and the normative guarantees translated into policy are a matter of ongoing debate. Civil society groups and activists have pointed out the manner in which the application of the Indian Forest Act 1927 and The Land Acquisition Act 1894 has caused marginalisation and hardship to the Adivasis. They also note that 5th Schedule provisions to prevent application of such laws to Scheduled Areas had not been invoked.

 

Third, in comparison to other disadvantaged communities and groups, the Adivasis have been less effective in constituting themselves as a Pan-Indian interest group and in articulating their grievances through the formal political system. This could partly be attributed to lack of national homogeneity in the context and mechanisms that have led to the exclusion and oppression of the Adivasis. Geographical dispersion of the Adivasis and lack of iconic leadership with a national appeal also prevents effective political mobilisation. To a lesser extent, our education system and our media are also to blame for the lower profile accorded to the predicament of Indian tribes.

 

Fourth, the development paradigm of independent India has led to, in the words of the Draft National Tribal Policy, tribal communities witnessing “their habitats and homelands fragmented, their cultures disrupted, their communities shattered, the monetary compensation which tribal communities are not equipped to handle slipping out of their hands, turning them from owners of the resources and well-knit contented communities to individual wage earners in the urban conglomerates with uncertain futures and threatened existence”.

 

Across the nation gigantic industrial, power, irrigation and mining projects representing the current development paradigm of independent Adivasi protests against land acquisition and displacement. Aligning our development needs with Adivasi rights and enhancing their Human Development Index is the need of the hour. This is also essential to prevent violent manifestations of discontent and unrest in our tribal areas emanating from exclusion and alienation.

 

Fifth, it is lost sight of that many Adivasis straddle multiple dimensions of deprivation and vulnerability. Besides being Scheduled Tribes, many of the Adivasis are also religious and linguistic minorities. It is very important that the protections afforded by the Constitution to the religious and linguistic minorities be fully made available to tribal communities that qualify.

 

I hope this seminar would act as a powerful tool for public advocacy on the extent of deprivation of Adivasis in the country and means to address them. I am confident that your deliberations would be immensely helpful for formulating policies conducive to Adivasi development.

 

 
 
 

Killing of innocent people and road blockade are everyday affairs in Centre-ruled Jharkhand State

Naxal rebels gunned down four people, including a woman and a 12-year-old girl, after raiding a home on the outskirts of this Jharkhand capital early on Friday.

 

A group of about 20 armed Naxals attacked the home of Digambar Mahto in Bundu, about 45 km from here, at 1.30 a.m. Friday, police said.

 

The hurled a bomb and then shot dead a woman and two students who were living in the house as tenants. Mahto's 12-year-old daughter was also killed, while his younger daughter, 10, has been injured.

 

The injured girl has been admitted to a local hospital and her condition is said to be out of danger. "The mode of operation indicates that Naxal rebels executed the killing," said Arun Mathew, rural superintendent of police. The cause of the killing is yet to be ascertained.

 

In the last five days, Naxal guerrillas have killed six people, including two security personnel. The rebels have also blown up railway tracks at two places and have blasted three mobile phone towers in Jharkhand. Naxal guerrillas are active in 18 of the 24 districts of Jharkhand. Nearly 1,500 people have been killed in Naxal-related violence in the last eight years.

 

Fri, Aug 28, 2009 / IANS

  

 

Four persons, including a girl and a woman, have been shot dead by suspected Maoists at naxal-infested Bundu, about 50 km from Ranchi on Thursday (August 27) night. "Two college students, a girl and a house wife were shot dead late last night. Empty cartridges found near the bodies point to maoists work," police superintendent Anup T Mathew said. All the bodies were taken away by the police, who are investigating the incident, he added.

 

This is the second attack in Bundu in 4 days. On Tuesday, Maoists set fire to 5 trucks near a dhaba on the highway connecting Ranchi with Jamshedpur.

 

The Prime Minister and Home Minister P Chidambaram has called the Naxal threat one of most serious internal security threats in the country, second only to cross border terrorism.

 

Manmohan Singh had said that there were indications that left wing extremists could be planning more offensives and admitted that the Naxal threat was ‘a complex one’. He had added that challenges posed by asymmetric warfare and terrorism and the Naxal threat could only be met with new ideas.

 

Timesnow / 28 Aug 2009

Ranchi-Patna road (National Highway-33) travellers are now paying the price for illegal mining by coal mafia since, now the routes taken by the vehicles are circuitous, unsafe and difficult.

A vast portion of National Highway-33 in eastern India connecting Ranchi with Patna, the capitals of two neighbouring states of Jharkhand and Bihar respectively, caved-in near a place named Kuju in Ramgarh district of Jharkhand on 10 August 2009.

 

This caving in of the highway has been attributed to a fire that has been raging from the underground coal mines in the vicinity since early morning hours of Sunday (August 10).  This happened on the stretch between Loha Gate and Kuju where instances of fire from unused or closed mines are believed to be frequent.

 

Reportedly, the area is rich in coalfields and was once under mining by Central Coal Fields Limited (CCI). Later, it was left abandoned, where some villagers did illegal mining and left the coal reserve exposed within the earth, which caught fire when the black diamond came in contact with air.
 
 
 

 

Consequent to the raging fire, the district administration and police officials have stopped all kind of vehicular traffic on the highway.  "Early morning at four, a portion of National Highway-33 got caved in. We have blocked the highway so that nobody can inadvertently enter here. The district administration and police officials have cordoned off the area with red cord barring any traffic inflow," said B K Singh, General Manager, Central Coal Fields Limited (CCL).

 

The underground mine fire was so intense that it created a deep crater on the highway disrupting the traffic and causing panic among the people residing in the nearby villages. Now, the families from these villages have been asked to vacate their homes and move on to some safer place until the fire is completely doused off.

 

There are around 52 homes in the surrounding villages. "The situation is really worse. We are residing in this village for the past 30-40 years. CCI (Central Coal Fields Limited) was looking after it but they are unable to do anything. Even government can't do anything. We have been given two days to vacate the village," said Santosh Kumar, a resident of a village near Kuju.

 

The coal mine fire has spread to the entire underground area and the solid coal base within the earth has got reduced to ashes and now slowly cracks have started appearing on the surface of the earth.

 

ANI 

 

 

The devastating mine-fire under National Highway-33 connecting Patna with Ranchi near Kuju in Jharkhand has increased the distance between the two capitals. Reports said that the crater formed on the Ranchi-Patna Highway further widened on Tuesday.

 

Another crater has appeared near the old one near Loha Gate in Kuju in Ramgarh district. The diameter of crater has increased from 15 to 20 feet. The other crater is 30 metre from the Highway and is smaller in size. It is feared that more crater would come up if the fire is not brought under control soon.

 

Now the routes taken by the vehicles are quite circuitous. They have to go through either Bokaro or Ghato. The smaller vehicles are, however, still going through the old route via a newly built diversion along side the subsided Highway stretch. Nobody can guess how long will it take for the normalization of traffic.
 
 
 

 

The underground fire is now taking calamitous proportion. It is now an uphill task for the Coal India Limited. Local people said that had the warning signals been timely addressed the situation would not have worsened to such an extent. “We are using chemicals, foams and water to control the intensity of underground fire. Once this is done we will have to go in for open cast mining to extinguish the fire completely, and take out coal and the area will be refilled with earth,” said CIL Chairman-cum-Managing Director, Rajan Kumar Saha. He said that it would take at least three months to construct a diversion near Kuju. It will be done under the CCL community development porgramme. The diversion would be builtd by the National Highway Authority of India and the CCL would provide the money. Saha attributed the devastating underground fire to miscreants involved in illegal mining.

 

Coal is highly combustible and when it comes in contact with oxygen it forms carbon di oxide and carbon-monoxide besides generating a lot of heat. When the heat does not dissipate it accumulates and comes out in flames. He denies that warning signals in the form of smoke billowing out from the mine were not taken seriously. He said that the CCL had abandoned that mine. The smoke started coming out of the ground only just a few days ago and the CIL took immediate action, he claimed.

 

The district administration as well as the local people, on the other hand, claims that the smoke had been coming out from the mines for the last several months.

 

Unending cycles of brutal blood bath policy

Large swathes of central India are today convulsed in unending cycles of brutal blood-letting, alternately by state authorities and radical left militant formations. A movement that started in Naxalbari in West Bengal four decades back has today penetrated vast impoverished forested regions – but also some more prosperous agricultural tracts – in 125 districts spread across 12 states.

 

The movement and its repression by the State have engulfed the lives of millions of people in the daily routinisation of brutal violence: of horrific killings, either at the hands of the police or armed cadres of Naxalites, who are usually organised into squads or dalams. People die every other day in police `encounters', assaults on police stations, reprisals, explosions, and murders of alleged informers. In 2006 alone, for instance, the government reported 1509 incidents of violence, in which 272 alleged Naxalites were killed, as were 157 policemen. In addition 521 civilians were eradicated, ordinary people entrapped helplessly in this incessant crossfire.

 

Climate of fear

 

The large majority of people whose lives are taken belong to indigent Dalit and tribal communities, and include many idealistic youth and some women. Many policemen killed are also young men, often from dispossessed communities, who have joined the security forces in search of livelihood and protection. The climate of fear is stoked further by State detention for long years of hundreds under terror laws. In addition in the Salwa Judum in Chhatisgarh, government arms tribal people to combat the armed might of the militants, in a kind of out-sourcing of dangerous policing to ordinary tribes-people, recklessly creating a civil war situation.

 

This ever-spiralling decline into ceaseless bloodshed is even more precipitous today with highly disturbing news reports that some governments are planning a military offensive `to the finish' this winter to crush the Naxalite insurgency, inspired by the military destruction of the LTTE in Sri Lanka. The governments wantonly ignore the lessons of history, of the futility of attempting to crush through the force of the State, struggles that arise from massive historical injustice; and the cataclysmic toll such an enterprise would take of human life and suffering. Meanwhile Naxalites continue powerful daring assaults on the police, targeting even senior officials.

 

Both sides would do well to heed instead a citizens' enterprise of great ethical significance which was undertaken to attempt to end these cycles of violence and suffering, and to restore the right of peaceful and normal living of common people. A group of citizens of undisputed high moral standing came together in early 1997, convened by S.R. Sankaran, a retired IAS officer who is universally respected for his contributions towards social justice for marginalised people, his personal integrity, humanity and the austerity of his lifestyle. The committee included Kannabiran, President of the People's Union of Civil Liberties, human rights' scholar Hargopal, and others. The committee they constituted expressed its opposition both to state impunity, and to what it described as the impunity of a revolutionary political movement which claims that its struggle is to provide an alternative and just system.

 

Unnoticed by much of the country, it doggedly persisted for more than nine years to try to restore peace and justice to the troubled districts of Telangana. Their efforts failed ultimately to bring lasting peace. But the process of dialogue with both the state and militants carries important ethical lessons, because the committee unusually applied the same democratic and moral principles in evaluating acts of violence by the State and by revolutionary parties.

 

The committee was unequivocal, firstly, in its condemnation of the killing of alleged Naxalites by the police in encounters, which it described as `targeted extralegal executions'. It documented unambiguously how the police have developed the `habit' of picking up people from their homes and public places and shooting them dead, sometimes in the vicinity of their own villages. It maintained that the State has shifted its political burden to the police, encouraging them to indulge in what are euphemistically described as `encounters'. These are custodial and targeted killings, extinguishing human life and the right to life itself. These encounter killings are not isolated aberrations or unintended transgressions of law by individual police personnel, but a deliberate systemic response of the State. The governments, particularly the police, believe that in case of encounters – irrespective of the law of the land – there need not be any independent investigation. These encounters `introduce terror as a component of governance and erode its very democratic essence'.

 

The committee is equally scathing in its condemnation of Naxalite violence, which unleashes indiscriminate violence and terror upon people `rather than on the mobilisation of people for social transformation'. Its strategies include physical liquidation of people, attacks on police stations and targeted killing of police personnel, killing of socalled informers and `coverts', exploding of landmines resulting in large scale deaths, destruction of public property and other forms of arbitrary actions including death threats, or even a `ban' on political parties.

 

These arbitrary and violent actions of Naxalite parties are seen to contribute to `further brutalise the society and lead to the shrinkage of democratic space'. Often, in public perception, the Naxalite movement has come to essentially connote a confrontation between the police and the Naxalites, each having its agenda of violence. `There is a general public feeling that people are sandwiched between Naxalites and police apparatus.'

 

 

Responses

 

The Naxalite groups have responded in writing to appeals issued from time to time by the committee, in fact with far more seriousness than the government. The CPI (ML) People's War declared, for instance, in a letter in Telugu to the committee, that `extremism (democratic struggles of the people) is inevitable in a situation of inadequately addressed social and economic problems'. They felt the committee wrongly equated police violence with Naxalite violence, and `isolated cruelty and violence from people's struggle'. They added: `It is the birth right of people to resist by legal or illegal means, peacefully or by arms, violence and atrocities on people, cruel exploitation of workers, peasants, students, intellectuals, women, minorities, dalit and adivasis by oppressive landlords, big capitalists, high officials, imperialists'. They admitted to what they described as `mistakes' causing suffering to ordinary people, but apologised to the people, and claimed to `correct immediately' these `unintentional mistakes' whenever they occurred.

 

To the government, the sane advice of the committee is that social peace can be restored and sustained only if justice and dignity is ensured for every person. The State must address the structural violence built into the societal system in regions torn by militancy such as inequality, exploitation and lack of freedom or democratic space. They must strive to strike at the root causes of violent unrest, including deprivation and assaults on land, human dignity, wages, employment, repression and harassment, particularly `encounters' and detention under terror laws.

 

The committee's humane and impartial pleas to both governments and militants to abjure violence are tragically lost in a wilderness of decades of mutually reinforcing violence. The government continues to act as `the prosecutor, the judge and the executioner' all rolled into one, continuing `extra-judicial killings with impunity'. In so doing, the State itself extinguishes the right to life, and from this there is no recompense. The Naxalites on their part continue to resort to military violence rather than mobilising oppressed masses to resist injustice, and they `attach no sanctity to human life'.

 

Today there seem none who is willing to heed the gentle and courageous counsel of this citizens' group. Their steady voice has been a lonely one in the brutalised cacophony and tumult of violence in these regions, and their respective supporters nation-wide. The impoverished people in large forested parts of central India seem condemned to continue to negotiate life amidst blood that is spilt everyday.

 

Aug 16, 2009 / The Hindu

International aim for Adivasi Archers

A golden opportunity to hone their skills under international coaches is awaiting tribal archers of the state.

 

The Union ministry for tribal affairs and the Archery Association of India (AAI) have inked an MoU for the promotion of indigenous archers from five states, including Jharkhand. The agreement, signed recently, mandates a championship to select archers who will be trained by experts from abroad.

 

The tourney, exclusively for tribal archers from Madhya Pradesh, Sikkim, Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh, besides the state, will begin this October and be held in a phased manner. Seraikela will host the first event.

 

AAI secretary-general Paresh Nath Mukherjee said legs of the championship would also be held in Jabalpur, Gangtok, Shillong and Itanagar. “It will be an open tournament with no age bar. The event will act as an yardstick for tribals who want to enter the final that will be held in New Delhi,” he said.

 

According to AAI officials, 40 archers — four boys and as many girls from each state — will be selected for the final. The list will be pruned further before the best are handpicked for training under international coaches. “It will be a long-term arrangement to be funded by the Union ministry. We will take care of logistics needed for holding the tournament and coaching camps,” said an AAI official. The ministry is also expected to help these archers get employment at a later stage.

 

AAI officials said the state tourney in Seraikela would be held at the archery academy in Dugni. Run by the state, the academy has produced a fair number of international archers, including Mangal Ho, Ashrita Kerketta, Sumangala and Paltan Hansda. Ho, a native of Kharsawan, has been selected by a London-based security agency for special training for the 2012 Olympics.

 

August 12, 2009 / Telegraph

 

Tuskers on grain hunt went on the rampage in Chowka and Kandra blocks of Seraikela-Kharsawan

Tuskers on grain hunt went on the rampage in Chowka and Kandra blocks of Seraikela-Kharsawan, damaging two houses late last night.

 

A herd of 11 strayed into Matkumdih panchayat in Chowka and damaged two tiled houses in the wee hours. Though no person was injured, three goats and seven hens were killed when the houses collapsed.

 

A similar incident had occurred on June 30, when a herd sniffing grain killed two people in Ichagarh block of the district. The elephants attacked the house of Ramesh Gorai and Nityanando Mahto at Dhobatawa village.

 

Villagers said that the herd, which included two calves, came to the village looking for grain. While mother elephants broke the mud walls and pulled down tiled roofs of the houses, the calves went in and brought out the sacks of paddy and devoured them.

 

Relating the episode, Gorai said that he and his family members were woken up by the commotion in his village at the dead of the night.

 

“It was about 1.30am, when cries of my neighbours woke me up. I came out of my house to find that a herd of 11 elephants had strayed into our village and are on a rampage. Before I could do something two wild tuskers broke the walls of my house and the calves devoured the paddy sacks,” said Gorai, (45), in a state of shock.

 

He said: “Elephants had strayed into the village on earlier occasions also but I have not seen such a herd and it seemed that they came looking for grains.”

 

Divisional forest officer of Seraikela A.T. Mishra had sent a team to the villages for an on spot assessment. He said: “It seems that this is the same herd that went on a rampage in Ichagarh. Necessary steps are being taken to drive away the wild tuskers. We are keeping a close watch on the movement of the herd and will try to find out whether pachyderms are moving towards Dalma hills or towards the Bengal border.”.

 

July 14/telegraph

 

Naxals obstruct development in Jharkhand village

Development initiatives in Jharkhand have received another blow with the rebel Naxals preventing the construction of a bridge over the Koel River.

 

Naxals in the Gumla-Lohardaga area are reportedly now forcing people to cross the river in improvised wooden boats at great risk to their lives. Several have lost their lives in the river. During the monsoon, the water level rises to 30 feet, increasing the danger to life.

 

The government has sanctioned the contract for the construction of the bridge, but no one is willing to come forward to undertake the task out of fear of a Naxal reprisal.

 

Local residents are in dire need of the bridge but the Naxals have been preventing its construction for a long time. It has led to an aggravation of problems in the daily life of local people.

 

Naxals don’t want the bridge constructed out of fear that it would expose the location of their camps. About 50 villages in the region remain unconnected as a result.

 

They are hardly concerned with the development of the area or the welfare of the villagers.

 

“It is a main river here, but the locals have to face a lot of hardship to cross it. There have been several occasions when there were talks of bridge construction, and every time the Naxals just dismantle it. This is the reason why there is no development,” said Ashok Shukla, a Gumla resident.

 

“It’s been three to four years since the plans to construct a bridge over the Koel River are going on. But there has been no initiative to construct the bridge, and this has dejected the villagers here,” claimed Baghmbar Ohdar, another resident in Gumla.
 

“We have read various newspaper reports about administrative officials’ efforts to construct the bridge over the Koel River, but we are just living on assurances till date,” Ohdar added.

 

“It is not just the families, but also education which has have suffered badly due to absence of proper bridge over the river. There are times when boats cannot float, especially during heavy rains,” said Ajay Kumar, a Gumla resident.

 

Villagers are surprised when told the Naxals are the voice of the voiceless. They say the Naxals are the actual enemies.

 

Local residents are waiting for the day when development does actually take place, but are also aware that the Naxalites will view such developmental works as a challenge to their existence and not let it happen.

 

Aug.1 (ANI)

Paharia adivasi youth killed by their community members for witchcraft practice in Jharkhand

 

A tribal youth, Suku Paharia (30), was murdered and his mother-in-law, Mrs Ganga Paharia was thrashed and later hacked with sharp weapons, allegedly by their community members, based on suspicions that the Paharia family practiced witchcraft and had caused the death of a 10 year-old child of the same village, Chhotan Paharia.

 

The sorcery suspects were attacked last night at Bonpara village of Hariharpara police station in Murshidabad. Suku died on the spot while his mother-in-law is now struggling for her life at Behrampore New General Hospital.

 

Suku who used to work in Mumbai as a daily wager, had to return to his village yesterday after being summoned by village chieftains, said a resident, Mr Madan Paharia. There would be frequent discussions and consequent altercations over Chhotan’s fever-induced death causing resentment among the villagers who reportedly held a “majlis” or “kangaroo court” to ascertain the identity of the child’s killers.

 

“The tribal court decided to visit a “jaan guru” (wizard detective) at Dumka and a delegation was slated to leave for Dumka this morning, but things went awry as soon as Suku reached home from Mumbai and faced the wrath of his fellow villagers, who ended up killing him,” added Mr Madan Paharia.

 

A number of villagers, including Chhotan’s family members, suspect that Mr Shibu Paharia, the father-in-law of the slain youth, is the master wizard who had engineered the “slow death” of the child by means of witchcraft, said police. The old man, however, managed to escape from his hut a couple of days back and was allegedly hiding on a tree-top. Shibu’s disappearance augmented the doubts of the rustic chieftains and prompted them to attack the Paharia family with rods, axes and other sharp-cutting weapons last night.

 

Police reached the village this morning and made an inquiry but no-one has been arrested. The body of Suku Paharia has been sent for a post mortem. Suku’s wife, who does paddy plantation work had left home a few days ago, and has not returned home yet.

 

Statesman News Service / ‎Aug 6, 2009‎

Jharia Coalfield Fire rehab drive under fire

The Jharia Rehabilitation and Development Authority (JRDA), in-charge of relocating thousands of families who will have to vacate their homes on the mining town’s fire zone, has been de-registered, dealing a body blow to the implementation of the Rs 7,028 crore rehabilitation package cleared by the Centre a week ago.

 

In a notification issued today, the inspector-general (IG) (registration) cancelled the registration of JRDA, declaring it a “fake and non-existent” panel since it hadn’t conformed to the rules of the Societies Registration Act 1860.

 

The JRDA was registered under the act with the office of IG registration, government of Jharkhand, with registration number 430/2004-05.
 
 

 
 
Cautioning the people not to deal with the panel, Gauri Shankar Prasad, the IG, (registration) said: “The JRDA may have been associated with the government. But, we have declared it bogus because the body was not fulfilling norms.”

 

Dhanbad deputy commissioner A K Singh, who is also managing director of JRDA, was caught unawares: “I am yet to know about the IG registration’s decision to declare JRDA as bogus. I will verify why this has happened.”

 

Singh said the JRDA was a government organisation and he would pursue the issue with the appropriate authority. Also, after today’s development, he would talk to senior officials to ensure there was no hitch in implementing the Jharia rehabilitation plan —for which the cabinet committee on infrastructure approved a package of Rs 7,028 crore on July 30.

 

Under the plan, the JRDA was to oversee relocation of Jharia township which has been sitting on an underground mine fire raging for nearly a century. As many as 1.12 lakh families, whose homes are in the danger zone facing subsidence, would have to be relocated.

 

Early in July, the state administration decided to shift as many as 4,650 families from five areas declared unsafe by the directorate general of mines safety within 100 days.

 

The families, who reside in Gwalpatti, Rajput basti, Bokapahari, Modivita and Luj pit, will be shifted to Bhuli township, a residential colony of the Bharat Coking Coal Limited (BCCL) whose residents have already launched a vicious campaign against the plan.

 

Ranchi, Aug. 6: Telegraph

 

Starved women blocked road in Palamu ()

This is a story of the discriminated of the discriminated against in drought-hit Palamu district in Jharkhand. On Wednesday evening, its  deputy commissioner Amitabh Kaushal saw his car blocked by about a dozen poor and famished women, who lined the road at a village called Katuwal in Chainpur block, which sits about 25 km from here.

 

Barely did his driver press the ignition button, the district commissioner heard a chorus of screams punctuated with anger and anguish: "We are all daily-wage labourers, starved, virtually everyday; but we don't get free ration. Can't you do anything about it." The deputy commissioner kept quiet.

 

"We don't get free rice because none of us has a BPL free ration card. So what? Aren't we poor? Don't we feel hungry. Don't we deserve government aid?," asked Radha Bhuiyn, a 60-year-old woman.

 

"The government gives free ration to BPL card holders and those who belong to the Antodaya category. People without BPL cards aren't entitled," a food supply official sought to reason.

 

But the women seem uninterested in the rules and logic of the officialdom. "Is it only a BPL card holder who feels hungry?" was Radha's counterpoint. "We've equal rights over government aid, because we, too, feel hungry. Don't we? Sir, you must do something to end this discrimination," she sought to explain.

 

Her logic and pent-up anger, put forth in a rustic manner though, was loud and clear. "You must do something to make sure we survive," said another in the protesting group.

 

While the DC stayed put in the car, it was the accompanying officials, particularly SDO Ravindra Singh, faced the screams of rage.

 

"Their demands aren't unjustified altogether. They are poor and the district is hit by drought. Scores of people like them are suffering like any other BPL card holder. "As a solution, the benefits of free 35-kg food items can be distributed equally among the poor," he said.

 

Block development and circle officers fear similar demonstrations. "Unless rules are changed, such things will happen frequently," said an officer on condition of anonymity.

 

Sources said when the SDO was trying to pacify the agitating women, he got a call came from Chatra MP Inder Singh Namdhari, who was earlier an MLA of the place. "He, too, wants equal rights for such poor people," the SDO said.

 

Sources said of some 182,000 BPL-category people, only 114,000 possess free ration cards.

 

"I won't be surprised if something like what happened during the French Revolution takes place in Jharkhand. Maoists can any time cash in on such a situation," a senior officer said on condition of anonymity.

 

TNN 7 August 2009,

 

13 new operating units in Jharkhand have already made an investment to the tune of Rs 1,633 crore

 

Out of the 13 units, most dealing in sponge iron, cement and rolling mill sectors, (Seraikela-Kharsawan) Sini-based AMN Power & Steel Limited has made the maximum investment of Rs 325 crore, while another unit, Kohinoor Steel, based in the same district, has made an investment of Rs 200 crore.

 

Adhunik Alloy & Power Limited in Kandra in the same district has also made an investment of approximately Rs 250 crore, said deputy director of the department B.M.L. Das.

 

These facts contradicted a recent report of fresh investment of Rs 880 crore that was submitted by industry department to the Centre. The report was in response to a question raised by an Independent MP, Parimal Nathwani, in the Rajya Sabha. Nathwani sought to know if Naxalite activities were a hurdle in the way of state’s industrial development.

 

Das conceded that their earlier assessment of the total investment was erroneous and based on old data. “That was the reason why we decided to review the development of industries that are still in production phase. Moreover, we wanted to know the problems faced by them and work out a solution,” Das added.

 

Representatives of units complained about lack of land and problems over iron ore rights among others.

 

Authorities promised help and in turn asked them to expedite Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) activities to win the confidence of villagers.

 

The list of units who were reviewed today include Neelachal Iron and Steel (Seraikela), Jharkhand Ispat (Ramgarh), Anadita Traders and Investment Limited (Hazaribagh), Ramgarh Sponge Iron (Ramgarh), Chhinnamastika Cement and Iron (Ramgarh), Chhinnamastika Sponge Iron (Ramgarh), Rungta Mines Limited (Chaibasa), Narsingh Ispat (Seraikela), Ballav Steel (Seraikela) and Balaji Industrial Projects (West Singhbhum).

 

Another review meeting is scheduled for tomorrow in which Patnaik would review the progress of the expansion project of Tata Steel, Jindal Steel & Power Limited, Electro-steel Castings Limited, Horizon Loha, Jupiter Cement and Swati Cement.

 

Ranchi, July 29: Telegraph

Ex-MP sentenced to five-year rigorous imprisonment in Bihar fodder scam

The special CBI court has awarded former RJD MP R K Rana and 11 others five-year rigorous imprisonment in the multi-crore fodder scam on  Saturday.

 

Rana, a close aide of RJD supremo and former railway minister Lalu Prasad, has been sentenced to five-year rigorous imprisonment and slapped a Rs 4 lakh fine by the CBI special judge Vishweshwar Jha Praveer who held total of 14 accused guilty in the fodder scam case on Friday.

 

Of the remaining 11 accused, the court pronounced the minimum sentence of three-and-a-half-year RI and a fine of Rs 1.9 lakh to Sashi Kumar Sinha.

 

The maximum sentence of five-year RI and a fine of Rs 4.9 lakh each was awarded to Brij Bhushan Prasad and Tripurari Mohan Prasad.

 

Among other accused sentenced include Sashi Kumar Sinha, Umesh Prasad Singh, Krishna Deo Prasad Sinha, Satish Chander Jha, Bhanukar Dubey, Sunil Kumar Sinha, Sushil Kumar Sinha, Dayanand Kashyap and Sanjay Shankar.

 

Two other accused, Sawarati Chandra and Phool Singh, who were granted bail on Friday have been awarded two and two-and-a-half-year sentence respectively besides being slapped with fines of Rs 20,000 and Rs 30,000.

 

All the accused were sentenced in case no. RC 22A/96 of fodder scam related to fraudulent withdrawal of Rs 28.26 lakh from Godda treasury. The case was lodged on February 28, 1996

 

The total number of accused in the case was 20. While four of them died during the trial, two others confessed to their involvement in the scam earlier. This was 32nd case of fodder scam case which was disposed.

 

A total of 53 fodder scam cases are being tried at Ranchi special CBI court. These are related to the fraudulent withdrawals from Ranchi, Gumla, Simdega, Hazaribag, Dumka, Godda, Chaibasa and Palamu district treasuries.

 

1 AUG 2009 TOI

 

English help for Jharkhand state officials

 

Decks have been cleared for conducting routine office business in English in the state secretariat. From now on, officials holding key positions will be provided with computer-literate English stenographers. The governor’s advisory council today sanctioned 45 posts of stenographers, who will also double as personal assistants to the top officials.

 

Apart from the governor’s three advisers, chief secretary, development commissioner, revenue board members and the secretaries of different departments will be given stenographers. Cabinet secretary P.K. Jajoria said that the appointments would be made on a contractual basis. But the reservation policy will be followed strictly, he added.

 

Soon after Governor Kateekal Sankaranarayanan assumed his office, the secretaries were asked to send their proposals to him in English. In another decision, the council said that the building plans in the state capital would be approved by the Ranchi Municipal Corporation from now onwards. Scholarships for schoolchildren from the backward classes too were approved. While Rs 36 crore was sanctioned for SC category, Rs 65 crore was earmarked for ST and Rs 46 crore for other backward classes.

 

For smooth functioning of VAT audit cells, 119 posts of officials have been sanctioned. While the headquarters of the audit cell will be in Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Dhanbad and Jamshedpur will function as the divisional headquarters.

 

For strengthening and widening of NH-33 (Ranchi-Jamshedpur) at two stretches, over Rs 22 crore was approved. Another Rs 3.07 crore has been sanctioned for the repair of Seraikela-Chaibasa Road.

 

Ranchi, Aug. 4: Telegraph

‘Illegal’ flats a drain on coffers – Over 5,400 flats in Ranchi, Jamshedpur, Adityapur, Dhanbad and Bokaro are still not registered because of disputes among landowners, developers and purchasers.

 

The state may have passed up an opportunity to add crores to its coffers in the time of recession with a few thousand flats remaining unregistered till date.

 

Over 5,400 flats in Ranchi, Jamshedpur, Adityapur, Dhanbad and Bokaro are still not registered because of disputes among landowners, developers and purchasers.

 

A survey carried out by the state registration department has revealed that Ranchi tops the list with approximately 2,000 unregistered flats followed by Dhanbad (1,600), Jamshedpur (1,000) and Adityapur (800). Bokaro has the least number of unregistered property — only nine.

 

According to a rough estimate, the registration department would have earned a whopping Rs 27.45 crore against the total number of 5,409 unregistered flats — taking into account that each flat’s area is 1,000sqft — across the state.

 

The figures have jolted the registration department, which has been napping all this while, from its slumber. Adopting a strict stand, it has mounted initiatives to get cracking on errant flat owners.

 

The department has issued directives to service providers such as the Jharkhand State Electricity Board and urban civic bodies, asking them not to provide power and water to the flats. Besides, the property owners will not be issued holding numbers of the municipal body concerned.

 

As a result, they will not be able to pay taxes while the process of getting bank loans will get delayed.

 

Deputy secretary of the registration department Dilip Kumar Toppo said they that they had asked the civic authorities — Ranchi Regional Development Authority (RRDA), Adityapur Industrial Area Development Authority and Mineral Area Development Authority, Dhanbad, — to circulate notices in areas falling in their jurisdiction.

 

“The notices will warn the flat owners about the fall-outs of not registering their property — whether residential or commercial. The apartment act makes it mandatory to register a property within six months of its possession,” Toppo added.

 

RRDA sources told The Telegraph that in many cases, the owners could not register their property due to legal tussles between the original landowners and developers. “Many such cases are pending in the RRDA court as well as other courts too,” said an RRDA official.

 

Besides, there are several instances in which developers mount pressure on the flat owners to shell out undue amounts and delay the process of registration of the property, the official added.

 

Meanwhile, Ranchi district sub-registrar Shahdeo Mehra said that they would write to the RRDA to take due action as per the government directive.

 

“The RRDA may decide in favour of unilateral registration if the owner of the land where an apartment is built or the developer concerned does not come forward to register the flat in name of the purchaser,” Mehra added.

 

Ranchi, Aug. 2: Telegraph

No meals at midday for Bokaro schools for the last 10 days as rice meant to be distributed by state agencies is in short supply.

Over 40,000 children studying in 147 government-run schools in six blocks of the district aren’t being served midday meals for the last 10 days as rice meant to be distributed by state agencies is in short supply.

 

Bokaro district superintendent of education (DSE) Shiv Narain Singh claims he has written to officials of Food Corporation of India and State Food Corporation warning them of the impending crisis if they did not step up supply of rice. However, none paid heed to his SOS.

 

“FCI and SFC are solely responsible for the crisis which has forced schoolchildren to return home hungry,” said deputy commissioner Satyendra Singh, who after receiving a letter from Shiv Narain has also sought the intervention of human resource development secretary Mridula Sinha.

 

Sources in the Bokaro administration revealed that out of eight blocks of Bokaro district, government schools in six Maoist-infested blocks of Nawadih, Kasmar, Jaridih, Gomia, Petarwar and Chandankyari have not been getting regular supply of rice since the last 10 days.

 

Of these, 78 schools of Nawadih block have been without rice for more than weeks. The DSE feared the situation would provide yet another opportunity for local residents, already under the influence of Maoist propaganda, to belittle the state government for its “inept handling of social schemes”.

 

Deputy commissioner Singh promised to try his best to ensure that the supply of rice was resumed within the next two to three days.

 

“I will definitely recommend penalising officials responsible for the situation that forced the district to almost shut down the midday meal scheme,” he said.

 

Bokaro, Aug. 5: Telegraph

The Bokaro steel plant management has invited online tenders from registered educational societies and trusts to run academic institutes at seven of its school buildings each spread over several acres.

The plan was chalked out by the plant management, which runs as many as 43 schools, keeping in mind that more than 20,000 students of Jharkhand look to other states every year for higher studies, including technical education.

 

Since last week, when the online tenders were posted, several organisations from New Delhi, Chennai, Bangalore, Chandigarh, Calcutta, Pune, Hyderabad and Jaipur have shown interest in opening management (BBA, MBA), hotel management, fashion and engineering colleges here.

 

“Even a small city like Bhilai has several engineering colleges but Bokaro has none that offers technical education,” said S. Prasad, the general manager of Bokaro Steel.

 

The plant has decided to merge eight of its schools with less than 50 students each. Teachers of these schools would be accommodated in other schools in the city and seven vacant buildings would then be leased out for 33 years to trusts or societies for opening educational institutes here.

 

The tenders specified certain criteria: Only registered societies with financial turnover of not less than Rs 15 lakh were eligible to apply and were asked to submit expressions of interest with a proposal by August 20. The tenders would be opened the next day.

 

The seven schools that would be leased out include middle schools in sectors III-B, VIII-B, IX-B and XI-C, Bokaro Ispat vidyalayas in VIII-A and IX-A and the Lakda Khanda high school.

 

Sanjay Tewary, the chief of communications of Bokaro Steel Plant, said the number of employees had come down from 55,000 in the ’90s to less than 26,000 till this June this year.

 

“As most company officials want their children to study in premier schools in or outside the state, there seems be to be no reason for running these institutes and suffering huge losses,” he said.

 

He clarified that the plant wasn’t closing down schools but merely merging them with others. “By this, we would be gaining a huge amount of money besides making the city an educational hub,” said the senior officer.

 

Bokaro, Aug 3: Telegraph

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