- Operation Green Hunt causing immense suffering & humiliation to the innocent rural folk in Jharkhand -

Clause 4.e.(1) of The Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, [PESA] says: “every Gram Sabha shall approve the plans, programmes and projects for social and economic development before such plans, programmes and projects are taken up for implementation . . .;”

Tribal villages are forcibly entered and village people are humiliated: The sad fact is the CRPF forces have barged into several villages in the Districts of Latehar, Palamu, Sareikela-Kharswan, Khunti, Dhanbad, Bokaro, Giridih, East & West Singhbhum and have forcibly occupied these villages. Even after entering the village, they have not had the courtesy to call on the traditional Adivasi leadership such as the munda / manki / pahan / majhi  and explain to them the purpose of their coming. Rather, they go about harassing and humiliating every one in the village regardless of whether they are young children, older men, older women, traditional village heads. They pick up any one at will and take him for ‘questioning’, and if they don’t get the answer they expect, they beat up young and old alike. Beating up includes slapping and beating on any part of the body with lathis or with the butt of the gun.

One can understand when an elder person gives a small beating to a growing child if the latter has done some mischief in view of correcting the child. But when CRPF jawans mercilessly beat up elderly men with lathis and that too in public, it is absolutely humiliating for these men and violates their sense of self-respect and personal dignity. Another innovative punishment CRPF impose on those younger and older men from whom the expected answer did not come is to make them sit in the hot summer sun till evening without water and food. Breaking open houses is common, and there are instances of opening fire inside houses. On 27 April 2010, one woman by name of Jasmintha Devi, w/o Jayaram Singh, in Ladhi village, Barwadih thana, Latehar Dt. was shot dead inside her house as she was sleeping on a cot. Another man by name of Pooran Singh of the same village was shot and wounded also inside his house.

 

On 30th April, people of the village, led by Bharatiya Adhim Janjathi Parishad, staged a dharna in front of the Dep. Commissioner’s office and demanded, among other things, a cash compensation of Rs. 5 lakh each for each of the two victims and investigation of the incident by the CBI. As of date, no action has been taken, neither by the district administration nor by the CRPF authorities.

There have been at least 30 instances of wanton beating up involving about 60 persons in the districts of Kharsawan, Latehar alone. Five instances of forcible snatching of money amounting to about Rs. 60,000 have been reported from these districts. This gives a sufficient indication of the very unsafe situation faced by the rural population of Latehar District.

Women face a greater danger:  CRPF-men barge into houses, kicking open the door regardless of whether the women of the house are with their men folk or alone. They open any thing and take away what they like.

The little cash people have saved are also taken with impunity. Even vessels are taken for use in their camps; some times they are returned, some times not. If women, especially young women, are found in the house without their men folk, it is all the worse for them.

PESA Act, clause 4. (m). (ii) endows the Gram Sabha with “the ownership of minor forest produce”.

People cannot collect minor forest produce from their jungles. The situation in the forest villages where CRPF has pitched its tent is such that people, especially women and children, are not allowed to go into the forest. If any one is seen coming out of the forest, he / she is summoned to the camp and asked which Maoist they have met. If they say they have not met any Maoist but went to collect some minor forest produce, they are slapped, beaten up. One may note here that the summer season is when summer fruits such as mangoe, leechi fruits are available in the jungle. But people are not allowed to enter and collect these fruits in peace. This itself is a serious violation of the rights of rural people. And more seriously, a violation of the constitutional privilege of the Gram Sabha.

PESA Act, clause 4. (m). (iv) endows the Gram Sabha with “the power to

manage village markets…”

For the first time in tribal history, the village markets (bazaar) are closing down. The weekly markets which mainly transact business based on minor forest produce are closing down because people are not coming with these goods to the market any more. As such it deals a severe blow to the tribal rural economy. Besides, the weekly markets are not only a place of economic transactions but also provide a homely atmosphere of social & cultural  get-together are being seriously affected. Verily an onslaught on the culture of the Adivasi People. An irreparable damage is being to the economic, social, cultural fabrique of Adivasi society.

PESA Act, clause 4. (m). (vi) endows the Gram Sabha with “the power to exercise control over institutions and functionaries in all social sectors;” Children cannot go to school as the school building are occupied by CRPF As of now, 50 school buildings in the districts mentioned above  have been taken over by CRPF on a permanent basis and 43 school buildings have been taken over on an off-and-on basis.  The Gram Sabha’s consent was not even sought. If schools do not function, the mid-day meal also is not given to children. The sad fact is the mid-day meal is the only ‘full meal’ most children get to eat. Should the children too be kicked in their stomach! An unforgivable act against the poor rural children by the state.

Apart from this is the fact that even if the school is not occupied by the para-military forces, their very presence in the vicinity and their brutal behaviour with people has created a fearful atmosphere in the village preventing children from going to school. In November 2009, the Jharkhand High Court, in response to a petition filed by PUCL-Ranchi, ordered the CRPF to vacate all school buildings within six months. Six months have passed, but the High Court order has not been complied with. On 17 May 2010, CRPF has approached the High Court and asked for an extension of another six months, and apparently the court has agreed!

The point to ponder is what happens to the children who have been deprived of their school education first for six months, now for another six months? Obviously it is not the concern of the govt as to what happens to the education of these village children. At the same time, the same Congress-led govt has brought in the Right to Education bill precisely for this group of 6 to 14 – age children. What a contradiction!

To conclude, the way Operation Green Hunt is being enforced through CRPF as the main agent of implementation is absolutely devastating the peaceful life of people in the villages of Jharkhand. In fact, this war of the govt against its own people will have the opposite effect of strengthening and increasing the Maoist forces because the harassed and humiliated people will not find any other human alternative than join forces with Maoist comrades. Will some better sense prevail on those who hold the reigns of power?

29 May 2010

Itkhori block is also famous for the goddess Bhagwati. Goddess Kali is worshiped here as Jagdamba. People flock here to offer sacrifice and Mundan sanskar. It has a scenic beauty and is a very good picnic spot.

Chatra, the gateway of the Jharkhand, particularly of Chotanagpur lies on a comparatively level tract of land between the upper plateau of Hazaribagh and the tangled mass of rock and ravine from Gaya and the Gangetic valley to the south and west of Chotangpur. It is 43 miles north-west of Hazaribagh and 48 miles south-west of Gaya and 90 miles from Ranchi in the North-west. It is at a height of 1400 feet from the sea level and is connected with the railway at Koderma railway station by metalled road. It is linked with G.T.Road at two points i.e. Dobhi 30 miles North & Chauparan 30 miles east which leads to Barhi (12miles) on the G.T.Road. The G.T.Road was the most important means of military communication between the lower provinces and the north of India from 1780 to 1858.

CHATRA THROUGH THE AGES

It would be surprising, rather shocking, to note that the present Chatra district was the Divisional administrative headquarters of south Bihar and it continued to be in the glorious position for about fifty four years, but the declining trend in prosperity started; it was reduced to a subdivision and is the silent spectator of the vicissitudes it has seen from the earliest time to the present day.

Ancient Chatra :- It is stated that during Asoka's reign i.e. 232 B.C. the " Atavi " or the forest states too acknowledged the supremacy of the Magadhan Empire and this may justify the conclusion that Chotanagpur was included in the Mauryan Empire, at least in his (Ashoka's) reign.

There was frequent intercourse between Kashi (Varanasi) and Hazaribagh. Parshvanath, the 23rd Trithankara, attained 'Nirvana' at the summit of the Parasnath Hill in the 8th century B.C. Swami Shitla , the 10th jain Tirthankara got 'Nirvana' at the hill of Kolhua (Kauleshwari hill in Hunterganj) in about 10 or 12th century B.C. It is a place of pilgrimage for the Hindus and it is considered to be of Hindu origin. Dr. M.A. Stein visited Kolhua Hill in 1900 A.D. and he was satisfied with his observations of its Jain-origin. The Jains built it and venerated it as the 'birth place' of Swami Shitla, the 10th Trithankara and continued to pay homage here till about 1867 A.D. It is ironical to note that it is now quite unknown to the ordinary Jains and is believed to be associated with the Pandvas.

The top of the hill is quite distinctive and is known as Akash Lochan (Sky eye).There are some ancient temples of 'Kali' or 'Kauleshwari Devi'. On Basant Panchami and Ram Navmi every year, a large number of pilgrims visit the hill top to worship and sacrifice of goats in front of the temple is common.

In a cave, there is a small image which is now worshipped by the Hindus. The image is clearly that of Parshvanath with a hood over the head. When it is observed closely the hood looks like the hoods of several serpents. The 'Dhyani Mudra' image of Parshvanath, with snake-hood over the head is common. The Jain relics at Kolhua hill are of Digambar Jains.

Bhaduli is another important historcal place of Chatra which is 22 miles away on the north-west of Chatra on the Chatra – Chauparan road only a few hundred meters from the Itkhori Block. It has Budhist relics; there is an image of 'Sahasra Lingam Shiva' at the top of which there is a cavity where water percolates and it is not known to anybody as to where it comes from. There is an inscription on the pedestal of the idol.

An ancient temple of Goddess 'Kali' is still existent there. These temple ruins have not been scientifically tested which would have thrown some light on the date of Hindu immigration into Chai (a village of Itkhori ). Siddharth penanced hard at Uruvela but could not achieve his goal. Then he took a holy dip in the River "Niranjana" (modern Lilajan – which flows from Chatra to Gaya via Jori and Hunterganj and culminates in the river Phalgu at Bodh Gaya) meditated at Bodh Gaya under a pipal tree, got enlightenment and was called Buddha, Tathagat & Shakya Muni. Samudra Gupta (320 to 380 A.D.) also passed through Chotanagpur when he led his expedition to the Eastern Deccan. It is said that Samudra Gupta marching through Chotanagpur directed the first attack against the kingdom of south Kaushal in the valley of Mahanadi. "I tsing" the Chinese traveller who visited "Tamluk" in 637 A.D. passed through the hill tracks of Chotangpur to reach Nalanda and Bodh Gaya.

Medieval Period :- To the Muhammadan historians the whole of Chotanagpur was in the tract which they knew as the Jharkhand or the forest country. It remained practically independent through out the Turko-Afghan period (1206 to 1526 A.D.) in India. The Rohtas fortress was the farthest limit of actual penetration made by them towars it.

Shams-i-Shiraz Afif the author of Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi enlivens us that Firoz shah Tughlaque after his second campaign against Bengal (1359-1360) proceeded towards the Rai of Jai Nagar (Modern Orissa) from Jaunpur and coming to terms with the said Rai returned by some route through Jharkhand. Dr. Qanungo opines that Shershah threatened his way to Rohtas through the jungles of Jharkhadn as best he could (second attack on Gaur (Bengal) 1538 A.D.)The Ain-i-Akbari informs us that Chotanagpur or Kukra pradesh was included in the suba of Bihar with the advent of Akbar on the throne of India in 1556. A new chapter was opened in the history of Chotanagpur.

Alamgir - Namah enlivens us that kothi lies 25 kos (50 miles) and kunda at the distance of 7 kos(14 miles) from palamu,Daud Khan the Mughal governer of Bihar during the reign of Aurangzeb occupied Kothi on 5th may 1660 without much opposition. He then moved towars the fort of Kunda which had a very strong opposition being situated on a hill. This fort came to be occupied and was completely destroyed on 3rd June 1660. Daud Khan stayed here during the rainy season. He also built fortified encampments at short intervals between kothi and kunda forts in each of which he placed a garrison. A personal servant of Aurangzeb named Ram Singh a descendant of Garhwal Rajput of Bundel Khand was granted " thane dari jagir" by Daud khan and Mangal khan in the Fasli year 1076 i.e. 1669 A.D. for the care and guarding of the roads . The analogy of Garhwal would suggest that he was a chieftain of a locally predominent race 'Kharwar'.

Kendi situated in the Chatra p.s. was in the possession of Ramgarh Rajas in the 17th century. At about1770 A.D. Kendi was reduced by Muhemmadans to the position of Zamindari and the earliest available information shows that one Nahir Singh was the proprietor at the beginning of the 18th century and his son Fateh Singh was making khorposh (maintenance grant in 1783 A.D.) Chai was subjugated by Mukund Singh of Ramgarh (1770 A.D.) and was partitioned amongst the chieftains of whom apparently four paid tribute to the fifth Raja Lakhan of Jagodih. Mention is made of Chai & Champa in the Ain-i-Akbari as assessed to revenue as a post of Suba Bihar but perhaps this simply indicated Kendi.

Mughal Pediod :- After the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 the Mughal Empire almost collapsed and Muhammad Shah was the Regent of the Mughal Empire from 1719 to 1748. Sir Buland Khan the then governor of Bihar who attacked chotanagpur in 1724 and was back after taking a huge wealth and diamonds. According to Shitab Rai Fugairud-daula proceeded for kunda (Hazaribagh) in 1730. The new Governor of Bihar Aliwardi Khan advanced towars kunda in 1734 after defeating the rebellious zamindars of Tikari (Gaya). He attakced the Chatra fort and the fort was demolished. Ghatwal Bishun Singh of Ramgarh Rajya and Aliwardi Khan possessed Rs. 12000/- form Ramgarh and Rs. 5000/- from Palamu and for sometime Ramgarh and Palamu Raj was handed over to Tikari and Senaut.

In 1740 A.D. Aliwardi Khan the Governor of Bihar Bengal & Orissa again sent an expedition against Ramgarh in the command of Hidayat Ali Khan , Jai Kishan Singh the Raja of Palamu and Siros, the Zamindar of Kutumba and Sherghati Sunder Singh was with Hidayat Ali Khan. They subdued the Ramgarh Raja and the Chatra fort of Ramgarh Raja was conquered (See Bihar through the ages p. 503 and P.C. Roy Choudhury 1857 in Bihar , Ramgarh Raj.) . There is no trace of the fort of Chatra now, but a Mohalla Dibha known as Garh par in Chatra proper is said to be the place where the fortress was erected. At two points " Surang " underground path is traceable and "garh par" is situated on a height and the road which leads to Karbala(Chatra) via Chhath Talab is downward. At " Khancha Dabar" (Dibha) some statues of Hindu dieties are to be found,Scattered and unidentified. The battle of Plassey in 1757 handed over the fate of India in the hands of the Britishers.

Modern Period :- The year 1765 A.D. opens a new epoch in the history of Chotanagpur as on 12th of August 1765. Emperor Shah Alam II granted the Diwani of Bengal,Bihar and Orissa to the East India Company. As Chotanagpur forms a part of Bihar the East India Company was entitled to recieve tribute or Ramgarh, Kharagdiha,Kendi and Kunda. The Britishers for the first time came in contact of these regions in 1769 and captain Camac first subdued the Rajas of Kharagdiha and Kunda. In 1771. He was the Military collector of Ramgarh district which was comprised of Nagpur, Palamu, and the present district of Hazaribagh and its headquarter was at Chatrfa.In 1780 captain Camac was succeeded by (Captain Heatley & the latter by captain Ramus – Military Collector ship) Mr. Chapman, was the first Civilian administator of chotanagpur " The conquered province". Mr. Chapman acted as a judge , a magistrate and a collector of revenue, his court was alternatlely held at Sherghati and Chatra, and his authority was enforced by the newly formed Ramgarh Battalion which was stationed at Hazaribagh.

In the year 1799 a Munsif was appointed for the first time and was staioned at Chatra. Ranchi settlement, Report indicates that in the year 1778, an establishment of five companies of sepoy was odered to be staioned at Chatra where the collector of Ramgarh resided for use in the district under his control. There was a vigorous apposition by the merchants of Chatra on the proposal of W.Hunter, the Judge Magistrate of Ramgarh for shifting of the administative headquarter from Chatra to Ichak (42 miles west of Vishnugarh & 6 miles north of the Silwar Dawk-station).

Governor General in Council thought it proper that the district be continued to remain at Chatra (Ramgarh Collecotr's Despatch Register no.6 page. 126)) and thus Chatra continued to be the district headquarters of Chatra or Ramgarh Zila from 1771 to 1833 A.D.

It is also interesting to note that Raja Ram Mohan Roy the father of Modern India worked as a sub-registrar at Chatra in 1805-6 A.D. and lived both at Chatra and Ramgarh in this capacity. When Mr. William Digbay was tranferred to Bhagalpur he took Ram Mohan Roy with him to his new place of Assignment. The old stone building housing the Sub-treasury and Sub-registrar's office was the same building where Raja Ram Mohan Roy worked some 195 years ago, which has been shifted near by. The old banyan tree standing infront of the office of the S.D.O. and Subtreasury is a mute witness to that historical glory of Chatra which it possessed. Hand written documents of Raja Ram Mohan Roy are to be found in the record room of the regristry office in Hazaribagh.

There was KOL Rebellion in 1831 against the Britishers which rocked the very foundatiuons of the English rule in chotanagpur. The results of this rebellion were far reaching in the administrative annals of Chotanagpur as the Ramgarh Zila was passed into a administrative control of the south western Frontier Agency with its headquarters at Ranchi. Chatra lost its past glories but something was compensated in the year 1914 when Chatra was made a sub-divisional headquarters of the Hazaribagh district.

Chatra offers another fascinating chapter in the history of freedom movement in Bihar . Just behind the State Bnak of India, Chatra Branch, there is a tank named ' Mangal Talao' and popularly known as 'Phansi Talab' where Sahid Park is made. It is here Jai Mangal Pandey and Nadir Ali Khan the two Subedars were hanged on a near by Mango tree during the great glorious rebellion of 1857. There is one pillar construction on the eastern bank of the said Talao(pond) where there is an inscription of a local poem immortalising the two sepoys:

"JAY MANGAL PANDEY NADIR ALI

DONO SUBEDAR RE

DONO MILKAR PHANSI CHARHE

HARJIVAN TALAB RE"

The most important engagement fought between the insurgents and the British Chotanagpur during the Mutiny of 1857 was the battle of Chatra. The two detachments of the 8th N.I.staioned at Hazaribagh broke into rebellion at 1.00 P.M. on 30th July 1857. Captain Dalton reoccupied Hazaribagh on 23rd September 1857 though stiffly resisted for the two month. They decided to leave the province by way to Chatra to join Babu Kunwar Singh of Bhojpur (Jagdishpur) who had rebelled against the Britishers at the age of eighty and had taken a vow drive them out from India. On the way a local zamindar Bhola Singh joined them and the mutineeres reached Chatra via Kuru, Chandwa and Balumath.

At Chatra they were attacked by a mixed force consisting of a portion of the 53rd Regiment of British troops and a detachment ( of 150) of Rattray's Sikh , numbering in all 320 men. Definitely they were surprised but they took up a strong position on the brow of a hill.

The hill is known as 'Kalipahari' two miles south west of Chatra. The small but locally important and decisive battle of Chatra was fought on 2 October 1857 near Chatra Jail (Mangal Talab). The Victoria cross Lieutenant J.C.C. Daunt of the 70th Bengal Native Infantry and sergeant Dynon of the 53rd Foot are stated to have acted with " conspicious gallantry in capturing two guns by pistolling the gunners, who were moving down the detachment with grape". Seventy seven bodies of mutineers were buried in one pit on the 3rd October 1857 and a large number of them were wounded and their arms and ammunitions were captured that some external assistance to the mutineers was suspected Major English asked for one hundred men from Calcutta as "the guns will have to be dragged across many swamps and the road is very difficult". (Hazaribagh old Racord P.C. Roy p.102).

The Rebellions were crushed mercilessly. Jai Managal Pandey and Nadir Ali Khan subedar of the Battalion were caught and brought before simpson on 3rd October 1857 and were sentenced to death on 4th October 1857 under the provision of the act of XVII of 1857.

A little away from Chatra town – say one K.m. away there is one village behind the Divisional Forest Office near Catholic Ashram, where an old cemetry over grown with bushes still bears testimony to the heroic battle fought by about 30 sepoys of against the Britishers during the sepoy mutiny in 1857. The inscription on the cemetry says that the Battalion of the army men had to be brought from Ramgarh Cantt. to destroy barely 20 sepoys during the great Mutiny. The inscription runs as follows.:-

In the grave are buried "The 56 men of Her Majesty's 53rd Regiment of foot and a party of Rattrys sikhs who were killed at Chatra on October 2, 1857 in action against mutineers of the Ramgarh Battalion, Lt. J.C.C.Daunt of the 70th Bengal Native Infantry and sergeant D.Dynon of the 53rd regiment were awarded victoria cross fro conspicuous gallantry in the battle in which the mutineers were completely defeated and lost all their four guns and ammunitions.

The British chroniclers have given a very perverted account of what is known as the 'MUTINY of 1857' in Chotanagpur which needs exploration and probe as the movement was very popular, wide spread and acute.

National Movement :- On December 12th 1912 Bihar and Orissa and Chotanagpur were seperated from Bengal by a Royal Proclamation to form a separate provice under a lieutenant General in Council. In Nov. 1914 Chatra Subdivision was formed with Chatra as its headquarter. Orissa was separated from Bihar in 1936.

The national movement picked up momentum in Bihar in 1921. Dr. Rajendra Prasad the first President of free India visited Hazaribagh the same year and addressed a meeting at Chatra and Hazaribagh, there was also a move to boycott the local Schools.National schools were started at Chatra , Hazaribagh and Dhanwar, but these schools collapsed due to financial hardships.

One of the most striking feature of 1942 i.e. Quit India Movement was the escape of Shree Jai Prakash Narayan and seven others from the Hazaribagh Central Jail. Here notable congress leaders were lodged on the Night of Diwali (9th Nov.1942) Jai Prakash Narayan escaped from the Jail and came to Tatra ( a village of Chatra). All efforts for their detection failed.

Chotanagpur Keshri Babu Ram Narayan Singh of p.s.Hunterganj fought bravely and gave stiff resistance to the Britishers and took rest only after driving them out of India (1947). And now Chatra has become a district of Bihar since July 1991.

THE BATTLE OF CHATRA (1857)

The Revolt of 1857 began in the tribal and hilly area of Chotanagpur on 30 July when the sepoys stationed at Hazaribagh rose in revolt and all the Europeans deserted that station. The soldiers of the Ramgarh battalion stationed at Doranda, near Ranchi, sent to control the situation at Hazaribagh, themselves revolted in the way and returned to their station, making Ranchi and Doranda, the two newly created townships, the centre of their revolt .The Commissioner of the Chotanagpur Division,E.T.Dalton,left Ranchi along with other Europeans and remained at Bagodar ,Barhi and Hazaribagh for about seven weeks.

Meanwhile the rebels plundered the treasury and burnt houses at Hazaribagh and Ranchi both . They also tried to enlist the support of the local zamindars .As Dalton and others were frantically seeking reinforcements from Calcutta , the British rule in Chotanagpur seemed to have ended.

It is only with the arrival of the Madrasis and the Sikhs in September that the local authorities could do something to restore the order.

As F.B.Bradley-Birt says,"The five hundred Madrasis and the detachment of Her Majesty's 53rd Foot must have been a welcome sight as they came up the Grand Trunk Road."1 But before these troops could act,the Hazaribagh and Ranchi mutineers had left these stations and Colonel Fisher lamented on 24 September that "the Ramgarh mutineers ,with their guns,are ,moving about in a small province,and not an official,civil and military,can tell where they are to be found."2

On 11 September the rebels left Doranda and at Chutia they were joined by a zamindar named Bhola Singh.Then through Kuru and Chandawa they reached Chatra,presumably to march further to Rohatasgarh to join the rebel chief Kunwar Singh of Jagdishpur in Shahabad (west Bihar).3

Since the rebels have not left any written account we have to rely on the records of the English East India Company which often gives a blurred picture of the movements and actions of the rebels.So we do not know much about how they reached Chatra,forty miles away from Hazaribagh.4

Dalton sent 150 men of the 53rd Food of the British Army and 50 of Rattray's Sikhs under Major English in pursuit of the rebels. At Hazaribagh they were joined by Captain J.Simpson ,the Deputy Commissioner of that district,5 and then they moved towards the rebels.

According to the statement of Jaimangal Singh before Simpson, when the rebels reached Chatra their leader,Madhav Singh a Jamadar,seized the local Mahant's horse and tried to rob him off.But as they heard of the arrival of the European and Sikh forces in a neighbouring village Dhoree , they thought this was a rumour6 and continued with their Robinhood syndrome as well as the shooting practice of their new recruits from Bhojpur and elsewhere , According to Simposon , their want of behalf in the approach of the English army proved must fatal.

By 30 September the Comapy's forces under Major English headed towards Chatra and when the rebels were convinced that a class was inevitable they took up" a strong position" in the western part of this town' with the whole city on their east, the narrow streets which could not be passed through ' without endangering the small British forces. The rebel army led by the former subadars and jamadars of the Ramgarh battalion and a few zamindars, knew fully well the geopolits of the area and stationed themselves at a place of strategic importance. The road to the town was over a bridge and there were"deep rice fields"to the north of the bridge, making it difficult for the company's forces "to pass with rapidity" However due to the suddenness of the English attack the rebels who were plundering the city could not join the main body of the rebel force.

Major Smith who was somewhat familiar with the area drew up a rough plan of the Chatra town and its approach on the basis of which Major English decided to launch the attack after rounding the south of the city and coming opposite the position of the rebels near the old jail.

According to an official estimate the total number of the rebels at the Chatra encounter was 3,000 and the English side had Rattray's Sikhs from Burhee and Hazaribagh in all 320 rank and file form the 53rd regiment as well as from the Bengal police battalion.10

The advanced guards located the main body of the rebels on the heights and immediately the skirmishers got to the north across a narrow belt of rice ground and engaged the rebels. The Enfield rifle ball discharged at a distance of 900 yards proved effective and the rebels immediately reped by around shot fired towards the approaching English army . But since the Europeans and the Sikhs had almost crossed the rice fields not much harm was done to them .However, a horse was killed and its owner had to advance on foot.

After crossing the rice fields the Europeans moved by the east of the village Kulotia and Lt Earle commanding the Sikhs with Major T.Simpson and some men,proceeded through the hamlet and came near the rebel force . The Europeans were already "hotly engaged with the rebels at the tops of trees".11

A large number of the rebels now rushed up in a "skirmishing order" advancing on the rear of the Company's forces. Simpson immediately warned the Sikhs of the imminent danger and they took up a position in the grove and " fired steadily upon the enemy, killing and wounding some 7 including a former Jamadar with a blue coat12.

On the English side 56 men were killed and wounded 46 Europeans and 10 Sikhs.15 the wounds of some of the Europeans were so severe that four of them had to undergo amputation. Later more than a hundred men on the government side were hospitalised. On the rebel side 150 died 77 bodies were buried in one pit alone on 3 October and the number of the wounded was very large, about a hundred found lying in the jungle. Many of the wounded who had somehow escaped form the battle field were captured and brought by the rural police(Chaukidars and Dafadars) and the villagers. Many rebels fled towards Sherghati after throwing their arms which were picked up by the government's men.

The clash, one of the biggest in 1857 in Bihar, had lasted one hour and the rebels completely defeated and routed. Four guns with the wagons, ten elephants, all the ammunitions and several boxes containing the looted government treasure and other articles were captured.16

Simpson spoke highly of the conduct of the troops under Major English in this battle: the cool intrepidity of the detachment of Her Majesty's 53rd with every officer attached to in, well seconded in the attack by the Sikhs under lieut. Earle and the excellent arrangements of Major English and his staff rendered success certain and although it has been achieved at (a) considerable loss, yet the object gained has been great."17 Two Victoria Crosses were won-on by Lt.Daunt of the 7oth Bengal N.1 and the other by sergeant Dynon of the British 53rd foot for "conspicuous gallantry in capturing two guns by pistolling the gunners who were moving down the English detachment"18

Such was the impression created by the rebels that L.E.W.O Brien,the 3rd Assistant in charge, informed Calcutta through Lt.Stanton on the electric telegraph form Sherghati that Major English did not feel "strong enough to escort "the captured articles through the surrounding jungles which werre full of disbanded sepoys and plunderers'19 He wanted 10 men more for he had only 25 Sikhs with with him at Sherghati and he was to march to Chatra with a detachment on the Europeans to help in bringing in the captured ammunition. In another message Major English reiterated that his party was "very weak" to carry the wounded and the guns etc"20

Soon the Company's side changed its camp from the west of Chatra to Kalapahari, two miles away, because they could not stand the offensive smell of the corpses strewn at the battle ground. Two Subadars of the Ramgarh battalion, Jai Mangal Pandey and Nadir Ali ,who had led the assault at Chatra, were captured in the jungle on the 3rd, tried under the provisions of the Act XVII of 1857 and Simpson in his capacity of the Commissioner under this act, sentenced them to death "on the very ground where they had made such an exemplary resistance to the British troops two days previously.'21

The statement 22 of these martyrs sent to Calcutta by the Commissioner, are quite revealing. Jagatpal Singh, the Lal of Salgi, was in close touch with his uncle-in-law Kunwar Singh of Shahabad. According to Simpson, eight of the sepoys of the two companies of the 8th regiment native infantry who mutinied at Hazaribagh, had joined the chief of Salgi " to keep up the excitement and spirit of rebellion" already engendered in the Ramgarh Light Infantry by the machinations of Jamadar Madho Singh" at Doranda and Ranchi.

The Jamadar Madho (Madhav) Singh escaped from the Chatra battle and even though a reward of Rs. 1,000 was declared on this prime-over of the rebellion in Ranchi, like Nana Saheb of Kanpur, he could never be traced.

The two other rebel leaders, Thakur Bishwanath Sahi of Barkagarh and Pandey Ganpat Rai, a former Diwan of the Chotanagpur estate, also escaped and the Thakur's planquin and two personal servants were found in the jungle .Sahi returned to his zamindari in the Lohardaga district, collected a large number of men, plundered several villages ,burnt the government thana at Barwa and with 1,100 men proceeded to attack the lohardaga town when he was captured and all his property confiscated .His associate Pandey was also arrested and both of them were sentenced to death in a summary trial and hanged on the trees at Ranchi in April 1858.

This shows that even after the Chatra defeat ,some leading lights among the rebels were not disheartened; they only shifted the scene of their operation. As P.C Roy Choudhury remarks, the English victory at Chatra "crushed the movement in the Hazaribagh district"24 but the rebels in other areas were not at all cowed down.

After all mere courage could not bring success to the rebels against a well organised army ,but there is no doubt that the Chatra engagement was "a grim fight" with a "terrible blood shed on either side "25 However the support given to the British side by the inhabitants of Chatra is surprising indeed .The mahajans who had been plundered at the orders of Bhola singh Baraik of Chutia captured the latter, shut him in a room and starved him to death.26

In view of the seizure of a large amount of ammunitions at Chatra Simpson suspected that besides the ones plundered at Doranda the rebels might have other sources of supply. Moreover, small coins and a chest of opium were also recovered from the rebels.

In the year 1799 a Munsif was appointed for the first time and was staioned at Chatra. Ranchi settlement, Report indicates that in the year 1778, an establishment of five companies of sepoy was odered to be staioned at Chatra where the collector of Ramgarh resided for use in the district under his control. There was a vigorous apposition by the merchants of Chatra on the proposal of W.Hunter, the Judge Magistrate of Ramgarh for shifting of the administative headquarter from Chatra to Ichak (42 miles west of Vishnugarh & 6 miles north of the Silwar Dawk-station).

Governor General in Council thought it proper that the district be continued to remain at Chatra (Ramgarh Collecotr's Despatch Register no.6 page. 126)) and thus Chatra continued to be the district headquarters of Chatra or Ramgarh Zila from 1771 to 1833 A.D.

It is also interesting to note that Raja Ram Mohan Roy the father of Modern India worked as a sub-registrar at Chatra in 1805-6 A.D. and lived both at Chatra and Ramgarh in this capacity. When Mr. William Digbay was tranferred to Bhagalpur he took Ram Mohan Roy with him to his new place of Assignment. The old stone building housing the Sub-treasury and Sub-registrar's office was the same building where Raja Ram Mohan Roy worked some 195 years ago, which has been shifted near by. The old banyan tree standing infront of the office of the S.D.O. and Subtreasury is a mute witness to that historical glory of Chatra which it possessed. Hand written documents of Raja Ram Mohan Roy are to be found in the record room of the regristry office in Hazaribagh.

There was KOL Rebellion in 1831 against the Britishers which rocked the very foundatiuons of the English rule in chotanagpur. The results of this rebellion were far reaching in the administrative annals of Chotanagpur as the Ramgarh Zila was passed into a administrative control of the south western Frontier Agency with its headquarters at Ranchi. Chatra lost its past glories but something was compensated in the year 1914 when Chatra was made a sub-divisional headquarters of the Hazaribagh district.

March 25/2010: In a terrible incident today, an Adivasi woman chopped off the head of a three-year-old boy with a sword at Saparamguttu village in Chaibasa district (websites: http://chaibasa.ozg.in and http://chaibasa.nic.in ) of Jharkhand State.

The boy was playing with his friends in front of his house when his neighbour Tulsi Kui, an alleged witch craft practitioner, attacked them.

The other boys managed to escape but, Kui caught hold of Sinku and allegedly chopped off his head, police said.

The villagers caught hold of Kui and handed her over to police. The reasons behind the woman's actions is still being investigated.

Related News and Videos, compiled by Jharkhand Forum: -

1.) http://www.jharkhand.org.in/adivasi-witchcraft

2.) http://jharkhandforum.wordpress.com/2009/03/30/jharkhand-forum-adivasi-witchcraft-in-india-the-most-sensational-murder-of-sorcery-suspect/

3. http://adivasi.jharkhand.org.uk/2010/03/adivasi-woman-branded-witch-killed-on.html

J H A R K H A N D

www.jharkhand.org.uk  

Email: sudesh.kumar@jharkhand.org.uk or, sudesh.kumar@jharkhand.org.in

Mar 10, 2010 at 2238 hrs Ranchi / indian express

http://www.jharkhand.org.in/adivasi-witchcraft   

–

Sudesh Kumar

J H A R K H A N D

www.jharkhand.org.uk

Email: sudesh.kumar@jharkhand.org.uk or sudesh.kumar@jharkhand.org.in

These states are ‘important’, for they house well over 80 per cent of the mineral resources like iron, coal, bauxite, manganese among others, of India. The future industrial and economic growth of the country depends much upon the ‘peace’ in this region. Naxalism in this region thus, is looked upon as an impediment of future growth of the country.

After several rounds of talks of Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram with the Chief Ministers of Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhattisgarh and West Bengal that were held either in Delhi or in Kolkata in the months of January-February recently, the anti-naxal operations have taken off. The troops can now be seen in the forests of Jharkhand and West Bengal.

 

It is true that a good chunk of the Naxalites may be tribals, as the Naxalites find it easy to cheat the gullible tribal people into their fold. As the tribal people have been suppressed, oppressed and denied their share in the modern developments, red brigade’s minor effort is enough to pull this group into their fold. However, only a small portion of the tribal youths are actually with them, majority of them still believing in the goodness of democracy.

The Indian society must know that it is the tribal society which has borne the maximum brunt of Naxalism. Worse happenings due to Naxalism still await the population that has always been at the receiving end. If the Naxalites kill the innocents in order to spread their fear among the people or send out a message to the government, it is the poor tribal villagers who get killed. If the Naxalites kill the police—often the constables, it is mostly the tribals policemen as they are in large number in the lower strata of the police—at least in Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. 

Further, the idyllic life of the tribal people in the villages, their rich culture and values have received a massive set back due to Naxalism. Earlier, they celebrated various festivals with each other in joy—sharing life together. They used to dance and sing at night in the akhras (dancing ground) situated in the middle of the village. But not more. Naxalism has eroded all these cultural values. It has broken the tribal villages into groups, leading to bloody fights among each other at times.

In all this, the opinion of the tribal people on the Operation Greenhunt is scarcely cared for. But, this is very important because the operations are or will be carried out mostly in areas which are mainly populated by the tribal people. It is this group who will see it from close and will be a ‘factor’ in the process. It is true that some intellectuals have spoken for them or some journalists have written on their behalf on the Operation Greenhunt. But tribals themselves are yet to speak. True, they have elected representatives in the assembly as well as in the Parliament. But even these representatives consciously avoid burning their fingers speaking about Naxalism.

Factors like levy collection on government works, from contractors or from private companies; have alienated the Naxalites from the people. This cult of the present day so-called Naxalites has reduced them into a bunch no better than thieves and extortionists. The recent practice of abduction of government officials in West Bengal and Jharkhand order to create pressure on the government(s) has also put them far away from their forefathers—the original revolutionists from Naxalbari of West Bengal.

Therefore, the usual line of thinking often displayed by some intellectuals that tribals are Naxal sympathizers is grossly wrong. Feeling the pulse of the tribal people on the issue of Naxalism would reveal that they would like peace in their regions. They would not like killing—either by the Naxalites or by the security forces any more.

The long oppression, suppression and exploitation of the tribal people have played as the cause for some tribal villagers joining the rank and file of the Naxalites. In several villages, the tribal people may appear to be with the Naxalites as the police may find them non-cooperative. But, it is the fear of the Naxalites that makes them so. On the other hand, the population finds itself a sandwich between the police and the Naxalites—a phenomenon which may find its zenith during the operation. 

Operation Greenhunt has generated two groups among the intellectuals who are closely observing the same and like to talk what they think. However, the group of intellectuals who are opposing the operation seems louder.

Like the intellectuals, the anti-naxal operation has also resulted two groups in the tribal society—a group supporting the operation, especially the one which is just tired of the killing spree of Naxalites. However, the group which is supporting the operation appears bigger in size. All they want is end of the Naxal menace and real development. This group is an optimistic one and opines that democracy will deliver. If the government fails to live the expectation of this group in the coming days, the region is headed for an eventual doom.

But, even this group of tribal people has one fear—is this operation actually aimed at solving the Naxal problem or a ‘hunt’ for their lands which are mineral rich and upon which have the greedy eye of multinational companies?

The Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram should therefore tell the tribal people that this operation is not motivated for any other purpose except cleaning the greens (forests) of the Naxalites. This operation will only free the region of Naxal problem. And this operation will not in any way evacuate the villagers from their villages.

The fear of the tribal people about this Operation Greenhunt has been compounded by the recent example of consequences of Salwa Judum in Chhattisgarh. Thousands of tribals have been evacuated from their ancestors’ villages and lands and put in camps. They have been reduced to the status of refugees in their own land. And the government reportedly, as some intellectuals opposing the Operation Greenhunt argue, is planning to hand over the vacated lands to the multinational companies so that they can set up their shops there. If this happens, India is set for a bigger problem which would be worse than the present Naxal problem.

Is use of force against Naxalites is not the only solution? While many would not like to talk about an alternative, some would opine that ‘dialogue’ is an alternative. But, are the Naxalites actually interested to end Naxalism. Now, some Naxal leaders have shown interest in dialogue. But the genuineness in such a change is doubtful.

Use of force in ending Naxalism is being thought as an alternative. But, the real issue is to what extent and how. And, to what end.

Amidst all these debates, Operation Greenhunt—a code name of anti-naxalite operation given by the media rather than the government, has begun. The real care that should be given by the government is that no innocent villager is killed in the operation. This apart, the government should immediately ensure that the forgotten culture and community life is brought back in the villages simultaneously. Further, in no way it should vacate the villagers from their villages. This will be self-defeating action for the government. For, the government, through this act, will prove the Naxalites’ stand—that the government wants to take away tribals’ land for mining and industries– right. This would be deadly. Naxalites may die in the operation. But, Naxalism will get a new life.

Solomon Kiro

(The author is associated with Indigenous News and Feature Agency—INFA, Ranchi, Jharkhand)

The Green Hunt can be criticised from more than one points of view. The Green Hunt should not be evaluated only on the basis of the last few months i.e. since the name was coined. The idea of the green hunt actually started some years back with ideas like the Salwa Judum. What has been the achievement of that Green Hunt? It has led to the death of more security personnel than maoist rebels. But many times greater has been the deaths and suffering faced by innocent tribal people. Tribal women have been raped, young tribal men and women butchered, hundreds of villages have been gutted to force tribal people to move in to camps that bring the horrors of Hitler's Camps to one's mind. Tribal youth who have been forced to join as SPOs are given the worst kind of treatment by their superiors. They have the worst kind of weapons – 303 rifles that are no match to the AK 47s and AK 56s of the maoist rebels. They get a salary of less than 3000 rupees, something that is less than even the minimum wages for NREGA work. And when the combing operations are held, it is these young boys, many of them hardly out of their teens, who are set in the front. To get killed by the first gun shot, the first ambush, the first landmine that comes in the way. Not only is there truth in the allegation that the elites of the country have sent a force of the children of poor people to fight the maoists, even among them, the tribal youth suffer further discrimination.

While travelling in Dantewara I saw totally demolished school buildings and ICDS centres. The maoists had destroyed them as they felt these could be used to house the security forces. I saw blown up culverts that maoists felt could aid the movement of the security forces. Not very far from such places I found a booster station of Essar's hundreds of kilometres long iron ore pipeline – without any security, along a rather deserted road. We met the caretaker of the place, a rather frail looking man in his late forties or early fifties, unarmed (and unharmed). Was he afraid of the maoists attacking and destroying the boosting station? He seemed surprisingly secure in his belief that the maoists will not attack this installation. Later I came to know that maoist cadres had convinced in favour of the pipeline, when villagers in certain places did not want to allow Essar to dig their lands to install the pipelines. "Its not going to take away your land, the pipeline will only go under it without affecting your agriculture" the maoists had reasoned with the reluctant villagers – of course tribals in the maoist heartland know that you are not supposed to say no to the maoists. So why do the maoists blow up schools, Anganwadis, railway stations, and seem to be having no such problems with the plants and pipelines of the private companies – I say private companies as they did attack NALCO recently? Your guess is as good as mine!

Will Maoism solve the problems of the Tribals? I am not so sure. For a variety of reasons. The first, and let me be upfront on that, is that being a pacifist and an admirer (though miserable follower) of Gandhi and non-violence I am not really able to appreciate how violence is going to end violence. But the maoists can have a cheeky response to this one, "Whoever said we want to end the violence. We want dictatorship of the proletariat with violence in hands of the state machinery and the state machinery in the hands of the Proletariat". Now they may not actually say that, but I have generally felt that they do not want an end to violence. They only seem to be wanting that the oppressed should be the one holding the power of violence. But that'd be a contradiction as well. Well I admit there is Castro who has proven to be wrong those who say that an armed revolution can never lead to true peace. But do the maoists have the people like Castro or Guevara among them or a Bhagat Singh whose faith in non-violence, in retrospect, can not be termed to be any lower than that of Gandhi himself? From what one see around us, it does not seem like that.

The government has two options. Either to act in a manner that the tribals develop trust in the government, or to get rid of the tribals. Else the maoists will continue to enjoy local support that will make it very difficult for the government to defeat them. What choice is the government making? Dantewara is the example of what option the government is taking. Its killing the tribals bit by bit, many physically but most through destroying their way of life. Does a tribal call living in a concentration camp in Dantewara, living like a tribal? Less dramatically, does a tribal call living in a company colony, with no access to any livelihood other than selling their labour, living like a tribal. The government of India is not ready to listen to those who want to help it gain the confidence of the tribals. Himanshuji made a small beginning in Dantewara. He was hounded out. Those who speak out against displacement are branded as maoists. Those who speak out against sale out of mines and minerals are branded as maoists. Those who speak out against atrocities by the police are branded as maoists. It reminds one of the story of the King who passed an order to kill all the old people in his kingdom and ended up killing most of the wise people. It seems the government has decided to brand as maoists all those who are raising the voice of sanity, the voices that want India to continue as a sovereign country free from imperial incursions, the voices that get lost in the clamour of 24 hour news channels demanding yet more fighting, demanding to call out the Army, the Air Force. 

The government has chosen. It is highly unlikely that it will change its tactics. What else can one expect from a government that supports the US in Afghanistan and Iraq. Is it a mere coincidence that the government's approach is so eerily similar to the US approach in the tribal areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan. Every now and then one hears talks about the Air Force and the Drones. But the US is killing citizens of some other country. That is bad enough. We are killing our own people. But is is the average elite Indian really thinking that the tribals are their own people, or do they think them to be mere hindrances, sitting on the land that must be cleared to make way for the highway  of double digit growth. And it puts a knife through one's heart when one sees young people whose heart should not have given up on ideals (no I am not saying ideologies) clamouring for getting the Air Force and the Drones in to the Act. The pain is doubly greater when one hears such voices from the JNU. May be JNU is doomed to inherit the other legacy of Jawaharlal Nehru. Perhaps it can not learn Nehru's secularism or anti-imperialism without getting a bit rubbed off from the despicable acts against the tribals he ended up praising and presiding over.

Manas

Based on a complaint from Baaluguda village secretary Ch Bhupathi, the police registered the case at Munchingput police station under section 376 of IPC as well as section 3 (12) of SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against the erring cops. Earlier, the police did not register a case when the villagers approached them. Instead, they told them only the victims could file a complaint.

Paderu revenue divisional officer Prasada Rao visited the village and conducted a 'secret' inquiry. Sources said he held a closed-door enquiry with two victims. When contacted, the RDO said he would submit a report to the higher officials. The government-appointed inquiry officer and Chintapally additional SP Syam Sundar merely said they could not proceed further as the victims have not complained about the incident.

The police served a notice on BSP leader Pangi Rajarao asking him to present evidences of the alleged rape. Meanwhile, former Chintapalli MLA G Demudu has criticised the attitude of the government, especially tribal welfare minister, for not reacting strongly to the heinous act of the police.

Meanwhile, the women and rights activists have demanded filing of criminal cases against the cops responsible for the alleged rape. They alleged that the police were trying to hush up the matter. They said the Greyhounds cops entered the houses of the four women after rounding up nine tribal men in the name of helping the Maoists and allegedly raped them. Six of the men were let off after bindover cases were registered, while criminal cases were booked against three others and remanded to judicial custody.

"Even five days after the heinous crime was committed by the policemen, no criminal case has been registered and the police did not conduct investigation either," K Padma of Mahila Chetana group said.

Sources said 50 Greyhounds cops along with Munchingput SI Keshav Rao swooped on the village in the early hours of Jan 22. The activists said though the district SP had appointed the Chintapalli ASP to enquire into the allegations, the ASP did not bother to visit the village and speak with the victims. "The local police are threatening the tribals with dire consequences if they speak out," K Venkata Ramana of a tribal welfare association said.

The activists are askance as to why no witness examination, collection of circumstantial evidence, medical and laboratory examination and identification parade have been taken up till now. It may be recalled that 11 Khond women were allegedly raped by the Greyhounds personnel on August 20, 2007, in Vakapally village in Vizag Agency and the National ST Commission had recommended in December 2007 to the AP government that the case be handed over to the CBI.

TNN, 27 January 2010

            The study said a section of tribal youths has reduced their dependence on the forests and prefer migrating to the cities. The research was carried out by experts in social sciences and scientific studies and conducted with the help of the Gujarat state and the Centre.

            The findings showed that from areas where the forest cover remained unchanged since 1971 to 2001, migration doubled to 37.69 %.

            “It appears that in recent times, the tribals are not as dependent for their livelihood entirely on the forests or forest products. They also depend on alternative sources of livelihood such as dairy farming, horticulture, and agriculture.”

            This observation has to be seen in light of the continued alienation of tribals from the forests that had no way out except migrating seasonally, temporarily and permanently in search of livelihood,” the researchers said. The study was conducted with the help of satellite imagery and census reports provided by the state and the Centre.

            The study further showed disparity between the census data from 1971 and 2001 and satellite imagery data from the years 1972, 1990 and 2007. “According to the 1971 census, there was 9.89 % forest cover of the total study area (eastern Gujarat) and the same had increased to 11.75 % in the 2001 census.  As per the latest Working Plan (of the state government), the forest area cover in Gujarat is 11.83 %.  The 1972 satellite imagery shows 21.33 % area under forest cover compared to 17.17 % in 2000.

            The 1990 imagery shows 14 %, while the 2007 imagery shows 16.18 % forest cover of the total study area, the findings revealed.

            The experts headed by the director of CCD, Dr Lancey Lobo further said that forest area decreased by 1 % in anticipation of claims on land to be made under the Forest Rights Act of 2006 between the period 2000 and 2007.

News Source: Indianexpress, 14 January 2010

CBALCO, a part of Vedanta Resources — a London-listed metals and mining major with operations in UK, India and Australia — is a leading global player in metals particularly making aluminium.  Vedanta Resources has principal operations in India, Zambia and Australia. It is registered at London Stock Exchange (LSE) and also India’s largest non-ferrous metals and mining company. It has its Head Office located at 6 Berkeley Street, London, W1J 8DZ, United Kingdom.

Indian born Anil Agarwal is the non Executive Chairman of Bharat Aluminum Company Limited (Balco) is set to become the largest aluminium producer in the world from a single location as it signed a pact with the Chhattisgarh government to set up a new smelter plant with an investment of Rs 80 billion ($ 2 billion).  The proposed plant with a capacity of 6,50,000 tonnes per annum (tpa) is under construction at its existing complex in Korba district, that will take the company's total aluminum output from 1,35,000 tpa to 1 million tpa – making it the largest aluminium producer in the world from a single location.

A Memorandum of Understanding was signed by Additional Chief Secretary (Industries) P. Joy Oommen on behalf of the Chhattisgarh government and Balco's chief executive officer Pramod Suri, in presence of Chief Minister Raman Singh and Vedanta chairman Anil Agrawal and few others at a function at Raipur on October 7, 2006 for a coal based 1,200 MW power plant —having four units of 300 MW each, at an investment of Rs 5,000 Crores.

It was stated by the company official that they estimate the complete construction of power plant within 40 months, once all the regulatory and statutory approvals are received. It was also stated that the aim is to commission the power plant by the time its smelter plants are ready for production, in order to support the expansion process of setting up a 3.5 lakh MT per annum aluminum smelter plant at its site in Korba to take the total production capacity to 9 lakh MT per annum by 2011.

BALCO awarded the contract for the construction of the 3 x 400 = 1,200 MW power plant to a Chinese firm which is known as Shandong Electric Power Construction Corporation (SEPCO),— which, in turn, sub-contracted the work of construction of 275 meter high two chimneys to New Delhi based Indian company known as Gannon Dunkerley & Company Limited (GDCL).

Contrary to the company statement after signing the MoU with the state government of Chhattisgarh, even without possessing the land or obtaining the required permission from the local municipal corporation, the company started construction of the power plant on the encroached land, which is owned by the state forest department. While Chinese engineers and other staff were engaged in construction of power plant’s boiler and other constructions, they also supervised the construction of the Chimney that was being done by GDCL.

In May-June 2005, the Minister of Revenue, Nanki Ram Kanwar a resident of Korba and a local MLA ordered an enquiry based on reports of encroachment of around 1,000 acres of land by BALCO. On February 17, 2005, an eleven-member committee headed by the Naib Tehsildar and supervised by the Superintendent of Land Records, submits its report. The report gives clear finds on BALCO having encroached 1,000 acres of land in complete violation of the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980. The report also highlighted that about 50,000 trees have been cut by the BALCO management. This is where the expansion of the present plant of BALCO has taken place. Matter went to the High Court but much to the relief of Balco, files pertaining to the alleged encroached land is reportedly missing.

In the second week of February, 2009 Minister for Revenue, Government of Chhattisgarh, Amar Agrawal in his written reply to a question by Leader of Opposition Ravindra Choubey, stated in the Chhattisgarh State Assembly, that Bharat Aluminum Company Ltd had encroached 1,036.52 acres of government land in Korba. He also told the house “The state government had registered 10 cases against the company in Korba between June 17, 2005 and June 28, 2005 under various sections of the land revenue code,” He also stated that BALCO had even started building chimneys and other structures for its proposed 1,200 MW thermal power plant at Korba on the encroached land.

"The company did not take permission from the Korba Municipal Corporation (KMC) for the second chimney and we had served notices for violating the norms," stated Lakhanlal Devangan, Mayor, Korba municipal Corporation (KMC). However, B.K.Srivastava, Chief of Corporate Communications do not agree to the same and stated to the press that "The construction was going on as per the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed with the state government and the company had all the necessary clearances,"

It is also important to note that just one week before the chimney collapsed, a notice was reportedly served by KMC to stop the work which BALCO ignored. Even a team of the KMC officials had reached the site and stopped the construction work before about a week of the collapse but BALCO allegedly started the work once again.

This exposes the fact that though BALCO is not even the owner of the land, has not even obtained the required mandatory permissions to construct the second 275 meter high chimney from the local municipal corporation, have ignored the notices. Even the stopped  work of the construction of Chimney by KMC authorities, BALCO went ahead with its construction plan immediately and the staff of the KMC went back. 

This illustrates beyond doubt that the motive of the BALCO is mischievous. Even when it was pointed out to them that the construction of Chimney is of substandard and without any permission, it also ignored the safety standards by going ahead with constructing a  giant Chimney of 275 meter high with diameter of 60 meter i.e. a vertical hollow structure of masonry, steel, or reinforced concrete, built to convey gaseous products of combustion from a building or process facility which caved in and collapsed after reaching a height of 253 meters, trapping many innocent workers within its cement concrete rubble on the afternoon of Wednesday, the September 23, 2009. The worst disaster of its type in the history of India had taken place at the encroached site.

What happened on the afternoon of September 23, 2009:

Wednesday, 23rd of September of 2009 was like any other day for the day shift workers engaged in the construction of the chimney. Most of those poor workers who worked hard day and night in shifts of 12 hours each for over 2 ½ (Two and half) months right from constructing from the Thirty five meters below the ground to a height of about 253 meters above the ground. They had no idea what so ever that what they are constructing their own grave in which they will be ultimately buried alive. Those poor workers that included many tribals, were hired from the Indian states of Bihar, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh by one P.N. Singh, who is the sub-contractor to GDCL.  Those poor labourers had come to Korba with dreams that they will earn enough money that could help them to support their families back home.  

It was raining heavily since afternoon; As such few others who were engaged in other works around the chimney had also taken shelter at the canteen and at three stores located closely to the base where the diameter of the chimney is 60 Meters. One hydra, a miller and three wrenches were also in operations. There were about 52 workers who were working at the top of 253 meters, few of whom had left just before five minutes. At that time about 180 persons were there in and near the base of the Chimney. All of a sudden, at about 3.40 PM, base of the chimney gave away. As per the eye witnesses, Chimney sunk in to the ground,soon within in few seconds chimney collapsed with huge sound split from one side burying many innocent workers within its rubble. Later, Korba police have registered a case on the charges of culpable homicide not amounting to murder and common intention — under Section 304, 34 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), against BALCO

Irresponsible Corporate Behaviors of BALCO and its contractor companies

In such a massive tragedy,  BALCO, its contractor Chinese company SEPCO and Indian company GDCL are expected to behave as responsible corporate citizens but instead, demonstrated how inhuman and irresponsible they can be. No one was available to tell or produce from official records to how many workers are trapped and their names etc.  Tempers of the workers present at the accident site were already high. Fuel to the fire was added when they saw the record room of GDCL near the collapsed chimney was destroyed.